Oil Culture: Guest Editors' Introduction

2012 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 269-272 ◽  
Author(s):  
ROSS BARRETT ◽  
DANIEL WORDEN

This special issue advances the first comprehensive account of “oil culture,” the broad field of cultural representations and symbolic forms that have taken shape around the fugacious material of oil in the 150 years since the inception of the US petroleum industry. Exploring the cultural life of oil from a variety of methodological perspectives, the essays in this special issue seek to elucidate the complex role that imaginative representations have played in establishing and contesting oil's status as the primary commodity underpinning modern economic expansion and a fundamental ontological construct shaping social and political life in the United States and beyond. By addressing the rise of oil as a cultural problem, this issue aims to fill a significant gap in oil scholarship and to intervene in what has become an epochal and highly charged moment in the history of petro-capitalism.

Author(s):  
Miroljub Jevtić

There were 43 presidents in the history of USA and the analysis of their religious affiliation suggests that a membership in a particular religious denomination has tremendous influence on the American political life. Roman Catholics, for example, comprise a relatively largest denominational community in the US yet despite their 28% share of the religious affiliation only one president ever emerged from that community - John F. Kennedy (1961-1963). By contrast, the three Protestant denominations - Presbyterians, Episcopalians and Unitarians – have 22 of the American presidents yet they comprise 4% of American religious affiliation. This discrepancy itself is sufficient to suggest that a powerful connection exists between religion and politics in the United States.


Author(s):  
Carmen E. Lamas

Miguel Teurbe Tolón (1823–57) is a figure well-known in Cuban history because of his landmark contribution to the island’s cultural and political life: he is credited with designing the nation’s flag. Tolón, however, also captures contemporary attention, because, first, he rendered for the first time in Spanish one of the most influential histories of the US that was published in his day, Emma Willard’s Abridged History of the United States. Second, the specific circumstances of Tolón’s historical moment signal the cultural importance of translation as a site not only for identifying the movement of cultural ideas across supposed cultural boundaries, but also for the mutual imbrication of supposedly different cultural worlds. Third, taking into account Willard’s intended audience for this translation—it was to serve as a US history textbook for Spanish-speaking inhabitants of the newly acquired Southwest territories and as a book for learning Spanish for US readers—an analysis of Tolón’s rendering situates this translation on the Latino Continuum. By critically engaging Willard’s vision of the newly acquired Southwest and California territories, Tolón’s translation practice provides an early political critique of Manifest Destiny and US expansionism. Tolón’s rendering reveals precisely that his is a Latina/o translation that, moving between English and Spanish and through Cuba, the US, and Mexico, constructs a Latina/o historiography, one that recognizes the degree of mutual imbrication of their peoples and literatures of the period. It also serves as a point of departures for reconceptualizing the intersection between American, Latin American, Cuban, and Latinx studies.


2020 ◽  
pp. 317-330
Author(s):  
S. O. Buranok

The historiography of the problem of researching the image of China in the USA is considered. A comprehensive analysis of the evolution of the historiography of the image of China in 1931-1949 in the United States is proposed through the study of the specifics of the perception by the political elite, the military, the public and the US media of the most important events of the "Chinese crisis". It is noted that this approach allows us to talk about the formation of a special phenomenon of the socio-political life of the United States, the reconstruction and explanation of which are impossible within the framework of the traditional methodology of historical research and require an interdisciplinary approach based on historical imagology. It is shown that the formation of the image of China in 1931-1949 in the historiography of the United States by the American press is represented with several thematic areas: the first - the studies of American assessments of China in general works on the history of international relations before the Second World War and during its course; the second is a study of the history of the formation of American assistance to fighting China; third, analyzing China’s assessment of the United States in the context of the history of colonialism and decolonization; fourth, examining the image of China in the context of a study of public opinion in the United States. It is pointed out that the analysis of historiography indicates that China in the crisis period of history was in the focus of attention of both journalists and the academic community.


Author(s):  
Terence Young ◽  
Alan MacEachern ◽  
Lary Dilsaver

This essay explores the evolving international relationship of the two national park agencies that in 1968 began to offer joint training classes for protected-area managers from around the world. Within the British settler societies that dominated nineteenth century park-making, the United States’ National Park Service (NPS) and Canada’s National Parks Branch were the most closely linked and most frequently cooperative. Contrary to campfire myths and nationalist narratives, however, the relationship was not a one-way flow of information and motivation from the US to Canada. Indeed, the latter boasted a park bureaucracy before the NPS was established. The relationship of the two nations’ park leaders in the half century leading up to 1968 demonstrates the complexity of defining the influences on park management and its diffusion from one country to another.


Author(s):  
Danylo Kravets

The aim of the Ukrainian Bureau in Washington was propaganda of Ukrainian question among US government and American publicity in general. Functioning of the Bureau is not represented non in Ukrainian neither in foreign historiographies, so that’s why the main goal of presented paper is to investigate its activity. The research is based on personal papers of Ukrainian diaspora representatives (O. Granovskyi, E. Skotzko, E. Onatskyi) and articles from American and Ukrainian newspapers. The second mass immigration of Ukrainians to the US (1914‒1930s) has often been called the «military» immigration and what it lacked in numbers, it made up in quality. Most immigrants were educated, some with college degrees. The founder of the Ukrainian Bureau Eugene Skotzko was born near Western Ukrainian town of Zoloczhiv and immigrated to the United States in late 1920s after graduating from Lviv Polytechnic University. In New York he began to collaborate with OUN member O. Senyk-Hrabivskyi who gave E. Skotzko task to create informational bureau for propaganda of Ukrainian case. On March 23 1939 the Bureau was founded in Washington D. C. E. Skotzko was an editor of its Informational Bulletins. The Bureau biggest problem was lack of financial support. It was the main reason why it stopped functioning in May 1940. During 14 months of functioning Ukrainian Bureau in Washington posted dozens of informational bulletins and send it to hundreds of addressees; E. Skotzko, as a director, personally wrote to American governmental institutions and foreign diplomats informing about Ukrainian problem in Europe. Ukrainian Bureau activity is an inspiring example for those who care for informational policy of modern Ukraine.Keywords: Ukrainian small encyclopedia, Yevhen Onatsky, journalism, worldview, Ukrainian state. Keywords: Ukrainian Bureau in Washington, Eugene Skotzko, public opinion, history of journalism, diaspora.


2021 ◽  
pp. 001139212096489
Author(s):  
Yoshie Yanagihara

This article elaborates the cultural and political structures that inform the belief among Japanese that surrogacy is legitimate. It argues that this belief reflects a transition from previously negative attitudes toward surrogacy practices developed in the United States. The article first elaborates the history of the Japanese recognition of surrogacy by introducing early forms of East Asian surrogacy that lasted until the first half of the 20th century. Second, it explores the recent shift in Japanese discussions about surrogacy through an analysis of cultural representations on the topic, mainly referring to a dataset of magazine articles published from 1981 to the present. The author then calls upon Giorgio Agamben’s theoretical framework to discuss the juridico-political perspective of ‘bare life’ as it relates to surrogacy, and argues that considering surrogate mothers and children conceived through surrogacy as bare life makes surrogate practice seem reasonable in modern Japanese society. To conclude, the article stresses the importance of incorporating women’s reproductive functions into law to prevent women and their conceived children from becoming bare life, and being exposed to violence, in the form of a surrogacy contract.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
R. J. C. Adams ◽  
Vaida Nikšaitė

Abstract The close of the First World War signalled a proliferation of newly established nation-states across Europe. However, the unilateral proclamations of these states’ independence did not guarantee their international recognition, nor did it guarantee their financial viability. This article examines the funding of two such states: the unrecognized Lithuanian (1919–23) and Irish (1919–21) republics. Both funded their wars of independence by selling ‘war bonds’ to their respective diasporas in the United States; the Lithuanians raising almost $1.9m from c. 28,000 subscribers and the Irish raising $5.8m from c. 300,000 subscribers. Communication between the organizers of these bond drives was virtually non-existent, but following the example of the US Liberty Loans they employed remarkably similar tactics. Yet, issued by self-proclaimed nation-states with neither territorial integrity nor a credible history of borrowing, the Lithuanian and Irish war bonds promised a return only when the states had received international recognition. In this sense, they were examples of what the authors term Pre-Sovereign Debt. Practically, they were a focal point for agitation for governmental recognition and rousing of American public opinion. Symbolically, they were tangible representations of the Lithuanian and Irish pretensions to statehood.


Water Policy ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (5) ◽  
pp. 837-850 ◽  
Author(s):  
William C. McIntyre ◽  
David C. Mays

Colorado manages water using an administrative structure that is unique among the United States following the doctrine of prior appropriation: Water rights are adjudicated not by the State Engineer, but by Water Courts – separate from and operating in parallel to the criminal and civil courts – established specifically for this purpose. Fundamental to this system is the notion that water rights are property, with consequent protections under the US Constitution, but with the significant constraint that changes in water rights must not injure other water rights, either more senior or more junior. Population growth and climate change will certainly trigger changes in water administration, to be guided by the recent Colorado Water Plan. To provide the foundation necessary to appreciate these changes, this paper reviews the history of Colorado water administration and summarizes the complementary roles of the Water Courts and the State Engineer. Understanding water administration in Colorado depends on a firm grasp on how these two branches of state government formulate and implement water policy.


Author(s):  
Carter Malkasian

The American War in Afghanistan is a full history of the war in Afghanistan between 2001 and 2020. It covers political, cultural, strategic, and tactical aspects of the war and details the actions and decision-making of the United States, Afghan government, and Taliban. The work follows a narrative format to go through the 2001 US invasion, the state-building of 2002–2005, the Taliban offensive of 2006, the US surge of 2009–2011, the subsequent drawdown, and the peace talks of 2019–2020. The focus is on the overarching questions of the war: Why did the United States fail? What opportunities existed to reach a better outcome? Why did the United States not withdraw from the war?


2018 ◽  
Vol 48 (5) ◽  
pp. 627-636
Author(s):  
Dan Bouk

A mid-1960s proposal to create a National Data Center has long been recognized as a turning point in the history of privacy and surveillance. This article shows that the story of the center also demonstrates how bureaucrats and researchers interested in managing the American economy came to value personal data stored as “data doubles,” especially the cards and files generated to represent individuals within the Social Security bureaucracy. The article argues that the United States welfare state, modeled after corporate life insurance, created vast databanks of data doubles that later became attractive to economic researchers and government planners. This story can be understood as helping to usher in our present age of personal data, one in which data doubles have become not only commodities, but the basis for a new capitalism. This essay is part of a special issue entitled Histories of Data and the Database edited by Soraya de Chadarevian and Theodore M. Porter.


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