The intelligence of six-year-olds in Hong Kong

1989 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 461-464 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jimmy Chan ◽  
Richard Lynn
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Hong Kong ◽  
Ethnic Minorities ◽  
The United States ◽  
Chinese Children ◽  
Pacific Basin ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Mean ◽  
The Uk

SummaryEvidence has accumulated to suggest that the mean IQs of Orientals in the United States and in the countries of the Pacific Basin are higher than those of Whites (Caucasoids) in the United States and Britain. This paper presents evidence from IQ tests on 4858 6-year-old Chinese children in Hong Kong. On the Coloured Progressive Matrices these children obtained a mean IQ of 116. Samples from Australia, Czechoslovakia, Germany, Romania, the UK and the US obtain IQs in the range 95–102. It is suggested that these results pose difficulties for the environmentalist explanations commonly advanced to explain the low mean IQs obtained by some ethnic minorities in the United States.

‘To see oursels as ithers see us’: Reflections on Scottish Independence from the United States

2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 381-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Euan Hague ◽  
Alan Mackie
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Us ◽  
Scottish Independence ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Scottish Diaspora

The United States media have given rather little attention to the question of the Scottish referendum despite important economic, political and military links between the US and the UK/Scotland. For some in the US a ‘no’ vote would be greeted with relief given these ties: for others, a ‘yes’ vote would be acclaimed as an underdog escaping England's imperium, a narrative clearly echoing America's own founding story. This article explores commentary in the US press and media as well as reporting evidence from on-going interviews with the Scottish diaspora in the US. It concludes that there is as complex a picture of the 2014 referendum in the United States as there is in Scotland.

scholarly journals The Dimensions of the US-China Trade War

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-55
Author(s):  
Mohamad Zreik
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Indian Ocean ◽  
Free Trade ◽  
The United States ◽  
Bilateral Agreements ◽  
China Trade ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Indian Ocean ◽  
Trade War

AbstractThe Chinese Ministry of Commerce issued a statement Friday morning, July 6, 2018, confirming the outbreak of a trade war between the United States and China. The statement came after the United States imposed tariffs on many Chinese goods, in violation of international and bilateral agreements, and the destruction of the concept of free trade which the United States calls for following it. It is a war of opposite directions, especially the contradiction between the new Trump policy and the Chinese approach. The proof is what US Defense Secretary James Matisse announced in Singapore in early June 2018 of “the full strategy of the new United States, in the Indian Ocean and the Pacific,” where China was the “sole enemy of the United States” in China’s geostrategic region. Intentions have become publicized, and trade war between the two economic giants is turning into a reality. This paper will give an overview of the US-China scenario of trade war, then a focused analysis on the Trump’s administration economic decision regarding China, and the consequences of this decision.

scholarly journals Bicycling, Birding and #BLM across America in a Summer of Chaos

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
Author(s):  
Scott Edwards
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Social Media ◽  
National Level ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
The United States ◽  
Local Communities ◽  
Rural America ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
The Us ◽  
White Violence

From 6 June to 20 August, 2020, I undertook a 76-day, ~3800 mile bicycle trip across the United States from the Atlantic to the Pacific oceans. In this talk I will share with you some of the amazing people, landscapes and birds I encountered, mostly in rural towns and along blue highways. The gradually changing birdscape, both in sight and sound, underscored the sensitive ecological gradients to which birds respond, as well as the ability of some species to thrive in agricultural monocultures. Rivers large and small regularly benchmarked my progress, as well as the western journey of Lewis & Clark over 200 years ago. The recent incidents in the US involving African Americans as targets of white violence inexorably caused me to festoon my bicycle with #BlackLivesMatter (#BLM) signs and share my experiences on social media. I encountered a variety of reactions, often positive and occasionally sharply negative, in a sea of generosity and extraordinary kindness as I wheeled my way through towns on the brink of collapse, vast private ranches and the occasional city. Rural America exhibits an abundance of loyalty and empathy for local communities, yet it is sometimes hard for Americans – myself included – to empathize with people they have never met in person. Two imperatives I took away, with ramifications for both biodiversity and political stability, were the need to somehow bring divergent communities together and to encourage empathy at the national level, among communities that otherwise experience each other only on TV.

Burden-sharing: the US, Australia and New Zealand alliances in the Pacific islands

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joanne Wallis ◽  
Anna Powles
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New Zealand ◽  
Pacific Islands ◽  
Critical Role ◽  
The United States ◽  
Burden Sharing ◽  
Military Capability ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
Security Challenges ◽  
The Us

Abstract One of President Joseph Biden's foreign policy priorities is to ‘renew’ and ‘strengthen’ the United States' alliances, as they were perceived to have been ‘undermined’ during the Trump administration, which regularly expressed concern that allies were free-riding on the United States' military capability. Yet the broad range of threats states face in the contemporary context suggests that security assistance from allies no longer only—or even primarily—comes in the form of military capability. We consider whether there is a need to rethink understandings of how alliance relationships are managed, particularly how the goals—or strategic burdens—of alliances are understood, how allies contribute to those burdens, and how influence is exercised within alliances. We do this by analysing how the United States–Australia and Australia–New Zealand alliances operate in the Pacific islands. Our focus on the Pacific islands reflects the United States' perception that the region plays a ‘critical’ role in helping to ‘preserve a free and open Indo-Pacific region’. We conclude that these understandings need to be rethought, particularly in the Pacific islands, where meeting non-traditional security challenges such as economic, social and environmental issues, is important to advancing the United States, Australia and New Zealand's shared strategic goal of remaining the region's primary security partners and ensuring that no power hostile to their interests establishes a strategic foothold.

Introduction

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
David J Ulbrich
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
East Asia ◽  
Culture Media ◽  
The United States ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Pacific Basin ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
World War ◽  
The Pacific

The introduction to this anthology connects a diverse collection of essays that examine the 1940s as the critical decade in the United States’ ascendance in the Pacific Rim. Following the end of World War II, the United States assumed the hegemonic role in the region when Japan’s defeat created military and political vacuums in the region. It is in this context that this anthology stands not only as a précis of current scholarship but also as a prospectus for future research. The contributors’ chapters eschew the traditional focus on military operations that has dominated the historiography of 1940s in the Pacific Basin and East Asia. Instead, the contributors venture into areas of race, gender, technology, culture, media, diplomacy, and institutions, all of which add nuance and clarity to the existing literature of World War II and the early Cold War.

scholarly journals A Comparison Study of Vitamin D Deficiency among Older Adults in China and the United States

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jia Wei ◽  
Anna Zhu ◽  
John S. Ji
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Older Adults ◽  
Vitamin D ◽  
Vitamin D Deficiency ◽  
Ethnic Minorities ◽  
The United States ◽  
Health Concern ◽  
Lower Serum ◽  
Severe Deficiency ◽  
The Us

AbstractVitamin D deficiency is a common health concern worldwide. We aim to compare the prevalence of vitamin D deficiency among older adults (65+) in China and the United States (US). We used data from the 2011 wave of Chinese Longitudinal Healthy Longevity Survey (CLHLS) in China (n = 2180), and 2011–2014 National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES) in the US (n = 2283). Serum 25-hydroxyvitamin D [25(OH)D] was measured and a level of under 30/50 nmol/L was defined as vitamin D severe deficiency/deficiency. Risk factors of vitamin D deficiency were examined by multivariate regression models. We found that the mean 25(OH)D concentration was lower in China than in the US (45.1 vs. 83.5 nmol/L), with Chinese elderly lower than American elderly for every age group. 70.3% in China and 17.4% in the US were considered as vitamin D deficiency (30.6% and 3.4% were considered as severe deficiency). Older age, females, ethnic minorities, higher household income, self-rated “very bad” health, and never drinkers, were statistically significant in predicting lower serum 25(OH)D levels in China. In the US, males, ethnic minorities, lower income, self-rated “very bad” health, physically inactive, overweight, and obese were related to lower serum 25(OH)D levels. Our findings suggest that different interventional strategies are needed to improve vitamin D deficiency and its associated negative health outcomes in China and the US.

Discriminatory Motive and the But for Test: The Proper Approach to Direct Discrimination in Britain and the United States

2007 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Connolly
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Direct Discrimination ◽  
The Us ◽  
Broad Interpretation ◽  
The Uk

In recent years, senior judges in Britain have signalled a departure from the longestablished but for test used for direct discrimination cases. They appear to favour instead that the defendant held a discriminatory motive, or even hostility, for liability. In the United States, courts have settled upon a requirement for discriminatory motive, but afforded it such a broad interpretation that is scarcely distinguishable from the but for model, and is a convenient, if inaccurate label. This paper aims to demonstrate, using seven kinds of direct discrimination case, that neither a discriminatory motive doctrine, nor the but for test, are suitable models to analyse direct discrimination claims, and that the proper approach is a simple purposive interpretation of the statutory formula provided in both the UK and the US.

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