Limiting Administrative Corruption in Sierra Leone

1994 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 139-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sahr John Kpundeh

During the era of the All People's Congress (A.P.C.), 1968–92, the state machinery and resources of Sierra Leone were used to promote the interests of a relatively small number of persons rather than those of the general public. A system of patronage thrived under this ruling party primarily because membership of particular groupings was a more acceptable qualification for position than an individual's actual capabilities. The ensuing intrigues deterred development in the country because members of cliques were only accountable to their leader and his top officials.

2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 991-991 ◽  
Author(s):  
Omar T. Dawood ◽  
Mohamed A. Hassali ◽  
Fahad Saleem ◽  
Inas R. Ibrahim ◽  
Aseel H. Abdulameer ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Dick M. Carpenter

For decades, scholars have debated the purpose of U.S. education, but too often ignored how non-education-related power brokers define education or the requisite consequences.[Qu: Is there a different way of phrasing this? I'm not sure, in reading it, what you intend "the requisite consequences" to mean. Does this mean the results of education, or the consequences of inaccurate definitions of it? Also, may we rephrase "non-education-related power brokers" to something like "power brokers without education experience"?]This study examines how one of the most prominent categories of U.S. leaders, state governors, defines education and discusses the policy implications. We examine gubernatorial rhetoric—that is, public speeches—about education, collected from State of the State speeches from 2001 to 2008. In all, one purpose gains overwhelmingly more attention—economic efficiency. As long as governors and the general public, seen enthymematically through gubernatorial rhetoric, define education in economic terms, other purposes will likely remain marginalized, leading to education policies designed disproportionately to advance economic ends.


Author(s):  
A. Sh. Sharipov ◽  

This article analyzes the role and place of religion in Uzbek-Turkish relations. In both countries, the Sunni sect of Islam is predominant. In Uzbekistan, religion is separated from the state, and religious activity is fully controlled by the state. The ruling party in Turkey makes extensive use of Islamic elements in governing. Mirziyoyev's rise to power in Uzbekistan marked the beginning of religious cooperation. In Uzbekistan, where religious control has been strong for many years, various forms of religious education, such as Islamic finance and foundation work, have been inactive. Today, after Saudi Arabia and Iran, Turkey claims to be a leader in the Islamic world. The extent to which Turkey's experience in religion and state relations is relevant to Uzbekistan is important.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-55
Author(s):  
Saiyid Radzuwan Syed Sopi

The 14th general election (GE 14) reveals that Pakatan Harapan (PH) had become a ruling party (2018-2020), but they failed to get any parliamentary or state assembly seats in Kelantan. The failure of PH to expand their influence in Kelantan is due to several traditional factors that are difficult for PH to break it out. This study is a qualitative study and reference materials that are physical and online are used as reference sources. In addition, information regarding political scenario in Kelantan also obtained through interviews with some respondents live in Kelantan. Therefore, this research found that the desire of PH to expand their influence in Kelantan was blurred. This is because PAS wisely set up a long-term political strategy by strengthening the education system under YIK, producing many hardcore supporters or fanatic followers, controlling the ‘surau’ and the mosques according to their needs and control of the state administration. Furthermore, PH needs to make concrete reformations to the party’s management such as producing talented young leaders and fostering a spirit of cooperation among members of the PH coalition if they are still interested in power in Kelantan.


ANVIL ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin J. Hodson

Abstract Environmentalists and scientists who study the environment often give a pretty bleak picture of the future. Surveys of secular views on the environment suggest that the general public in the developed West are concerned about the state of the environment. After considering all of the environmental problems that are causing scientists to worry, this paper then concentrates on four: climate change; biodiversity loss; global water supply; and the increase in our human population. Finally we will see what scientists have to say about hope in a time of environmental crisis


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1 (ang)) ◽  
pp. 10-17
Author(s):  
Andrzej Zybała

This paper focuses on the issue social economy entities and the role they play in the public policy. The paper argues in favour of the thesis that social economy entities are an important component of what can be described as the capacity of the public policy system in a given country. They contribute significant resources – intellectual, organisational, executive [financial], etc. – to the system. The larger these resources are, the more efficient the whole system becomes, i.e. the ability to identify key public issues and to program their solutions, to implement these solutions and to evaluate the results of public policy actions in various forms. It indicates that it is in the interest of the State and the general public to strengthen the social economy entity sector.


Author(s):  
Daron Acemoglu ◽  
James A. Robinson

Fragility arises when states are ineffective and when they are also illegitimate and unaccountable. These features are interconnected. People don’t want to cooperate with, or cede resources to, a state they cannot influence. We present a simple framework where the key to exiting fragility is a balance between the state and society. The state needs to develop more capacity, but to do this society needs to develop the ability to discipline and control it. We emphasize the existence of this type of “virtuous circle”—a phenomenon we call the “Red Queen effect.” We argue that the way of thinking about state-building is in terms of both widening the corridor in which the Red Queen effect operates and devising strategies to get into the corridor. We show how the framework helps account for the diminishing fragility of the state in post-apartheid South Africa, Somaliland, Sierra Leone, and Colombia.


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