scholarly journals ‘Good Muslim, bad Muslim’ in Togo: religious minority identity construction amid a sociopolitical crisis (2017–2018)

2021 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-217
Author(s):  
Frédérick Madore

AbstractIn Togo, the opposition movement behind the anti-government protests that broke out in 2017–2018 appears to reflect a greater role for Islam in politics. Tikpi Atchadam, leader of the Parti National Panafricain, was the preeminent figure in the movement, having built a solid grassroots base among his fellow Muslims. This article examines the unique role that Muslim leaders played in these protests, as well as the Faure Gnassingbé regime's strategic response. The ruling party made spurious claims against Muslim opponents, associating them with a dangerous wave of political Islam. I argue that by portraying Atchadam as the leader of a radical ethnic and religious movement with Islamist goals, Faure Gnassingbé and his supporters sought to weaken this emerging challenger and deter members of the public from backing calls for political change. The strategy also helped garner support from Western countries while simultaneously driving a wedge between Muslim community leaders.

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 80-89
Author(s):  
A. D. Selyukov ◽  

The article is devoted to identifying the features of conflicts in the public sector as a basis for disputes, including with the participation of courts. The concept of «public interests» is introduced, on the basis of which the characteristic of disputes in the budgetary sphere is given as a dispute between the parties, relations between which are based on the method of legal inequality. It is concluded that by virtue of the law, the ruling party gives instructions to the subordinate party to do something in relation to the budget, but not always the public interests of the parties to the legal relationship are equally protected by law, which is not sufficiently manifested in the practice of legal support of budgetary activities. Since the efforts of the legislator to regulate budgetary relations are mainly aimed at ensuring procedural activities, they almost do not affect the goal-setting mechanism, so the subordinate party has no opportunity to challenge the management decision that infringes the implementation of the public interests of the subordinate party. By virtue of the above, the courts do not participate in the consideration of issues that go beyond the procedure for spending budget funds and the application of appropriate sanctions. Therefore, frequent cases of arbitrariness of the powerful party in budgetary legal relations remain without proper judicial protection. To solve the problem, it is required to introduce the institution of goal-setting in the budget legislation, so that it will be possible to talk about the proper provision of public interests in the budget sphere.


2018 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 310-333
Author(s):  
Ipek Türeli ◽  
Meltem Al

In 2013, the Gezi Park protests created a wave of optimism in Istanbul – until it was brutally suppressed by the government. Although the ephemeral movement ended without having achieved its immediate goals, it continues to have ripple effects on the public culture of Istanbul. The ruling party, for example, has emulated the forms and formats of performance that emerged during the protests in order to mobilize its own support base. In a post-Gezi Istanbul, however, the occupation of public spaces in protest of the government has become nearly impossible, rendering alternative artistic and activist practices all the more important.


2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-340
Author(s):  
Ridwan Al-Sayyid

This paper tackles the relationship between Islam and the state in light of the ongoing revolutions. It focuses on two perspectives: the Islamists' claim that the Shari'a and not the umma (community) are the source of legitimacy in the evolving regimes; and that it is the duty of the state to protect religion and apply the Shari'a. The main disadvantage of these propositions is that they preclude the Umma both from political power and Shari'a, thus pitting it against these two assets which become manipulated to its disadvantage by those holding power. On the other hand, an open-minded and reformist Islamic perspective believes in people regaining the prerogative to rule themselves, guided by their intellect and the public good. The main call for the Arab uprisings is to quit political Islam, which seems to be the major threat to religion, and dangerously divisive for societies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 74-88
Author(s):  
Sergei Shtyrkov

Abstract The protest of the North Ossetian nativist religious movement against discourses of dominant institutions in the public sphere involves as its necessary component ‘re-description’ of religion in general and ‘re-constructed’ religious systems in particular. Usually, this means revealing allegedly forgotten ancient meanings of indigenous customs, rituals and folklore texts through the use of various concepts taken from esotericism and/or practical psychology. The language for this re-description is provided by conceptual apparatus developed by New Age movements. Of particular interest in this respect is the language of ‘new science’, ‘alternative history’, ‘transpersonal psychology’, etc., employed as a tool for criticising the established system of Christian-centric understanding of what religion is and what its social functions are.


Author(s):  
Mohammad Najib Jaffar ◽  
Azman Ab Rahman ◽  
Mohamad Anwar Zakaria ◽  
Mursyid Junaidi Mohd Faisal Yeap ◽  
Muhammad Faiz Abd Shakor

Gamification is a part of teaching aids based on flexible education relevant to the current 21st Century Learning. This study aimed at assessing the effectiveness of the Global Halal Game (GHG) in education. The use of quantitative method involved the distribution of questionnaires to 43 respondents who participated in the Professional Halal Training Programme – Certificate of Professional Halal Executive (PHEP) 2018. In general, this study found that the effectiveness level of GHG in education was good. The result of the study can also become a benchmark for the development of gamification-based innovation product, which can improve and enhance other innovation products in fields that are less emphasised. This can benefit the Muslim community, in particular, and the public, in general.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 68-76
Author(s):  
Hamada Muhammed Hagras

The Huisheng mosque in Guangzhou is one of China's oldest mosques; its initial construction dates back to 627. The minaret of the mosque is one of the surviving earliest examples of Islamic architecture in China. The Chinese minarets were built with a form of a wooden low-rise Chinese pavilion. In the case of Guangta, it was built by brick directly on the street with such a great height. The unique architectural form of Guangta raises many questions about its location, architecture, and function. The study traces the historical texts of the minaret to clarify its historical functions. It attempts to understand the minaret's meanings, the hidden symbolism, and its historical roles to serve the Muslim community as a religious minority in the city, on the one hand, as well as its cultural contributions on the other hand. There are several methods to achieve its objectives: the historical, the descriptive, and the comparative analytical approach. These approaches proved that the minaret played many roles associated with its form and architecture. In addition to its religious functions, it is entrusted to inform Muslims at prayer times. The minaret was also used as a control tower if the Muslim community in the city was exposed to external or internal threats and served as a lighthouse to facilitate Muslim maritime trade. Further, it carried a religious symbolism as it was a symbol of Islam itself within the local Chinese society that was not ruled by Muslims. 


Author(s):  
Susanne Olsson

The chapter analyses the public discourse of a Swedish Salafi group, concerned with concrete social ills in the local community. The group is against violence, carrying out missionary activities focused on piety, correct practice and behaviour. Three topics are analysed using material from their YouTube-channel: 1) Reaching Paradise through Renunciation, 2) Establishing a Non-Violent Strategy, and 3) Social development. Through missionary activities (daʿwa), they respond to the current situation with foreign fighters, terrorism and gang criminality. The message is straightforward and self-assured as it attempts to disrupt the positive images some young people may have of violent lifestyles and create new role models to emulate. They are thereby striving to present a positive message: if people join their project of moral reform and renunciation, they will contribute to strengthening suburbs and create a peaceful environment. At the same time, in-group identity construction is strong and exclusionist.


Social Change ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 515-531
Author(s):  
Zubair Ahmad

Muslim identity like any other identity is discretely constituted, defined by language, religion, caste, class, sect and numerous other diverse roles. Such an understanding largely seems to have eluded the public philosophy of the post-colonial Indian state and what seems to have remained central to it is their exclusive definition in religious terms and an exclusive emphasis on their religious engagements. This paper looks at this external religious definition of the community and identifies this definition in the ‘top-down’ and ‘bottom-up’ identity construction processes and interprets other important developments which have all compounded to shape a separate Muslim identity in India. It analyses the construction of Muslim identity and attempts to understand the separateness that they have exhibited in post-colonial India. The argument follows that Muslim identity in India has been externally defined with an emphasis on religious aspects and that their separateness remains a quintessential result of this external definition.


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