Walking in the Periphery: Activist Art and Urban Resistance to Neoliberalism in Istanbul

2018 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 310-333
Author(s):  
Ipek Türeli ◽  
Meltem Al

In 2013, the Gezi Park protests created a wave of optimism in Istanbul – until it was brutally suppressed by the government. Although the ephemeral movement ended without having achieved its immediate goals, it continues to have ripple effects on the public culture of Istanbul. The ruling party, for example, has emulated the forms and formats of performance that emerged during the protests in order to mobilize its own support base. In a post-Gezi Istanbul, however, the occupation of public spaces in protest of the government has become nearly impossible, rendering alternative artistic and activist practices all the more important.

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Umaru A. Pate ◽  
Danjuma Gambo ◽  
Adamkolo Mohammed Ibrahim

Since the rising to notoriety of the present ‘genre’ of malicious content peddled as ‘fake news’ (mostly over social media) in 2016 during the United States’ presidential election, barely three years until Nigeria’s 2019 general elections, fake news has made dangerously damaging impacts on the Nigerian society socially, politically and economically. Notably, the escalating herder-farmer communal clashes in the northern parts of the country, ethno-religious crises in Taraba, Plateau and Benue states and the furiously burning fire of the thug-of-war between the ruling party (All Progressives Congress, APC) and the opposition, particularly the main opposition party (People’s Democratic Party, PDP) have all been attributed to fake news, untruth and political propaganda. This paper aims to provide further understanding about the evolving issues regarding fake news and its demonic impact on the Nigerian polity. To make that contribution toward building the literature, extant literature and verifiable online news content on fake news and its attributes were critically reviewed. This paper concludes that fake news and its associated notion of post-truth may continue to pose threat to the Nigerian polity unless strong measures are taken. For the effects of fake news and post-truth phenomena to be suppressed substantially, a tripartite participation involving these key stakeholders – the government, legislators and the public should be modelled and implemented to the letter.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 98-112
Author(s):  
Jamel Zran ◽  
Moez Ben Messaoud

A large proportion of the media around the world, especially those related to radio and television, belong to the state. In principle at least, there are three different terms to talk about these types of media: (1). The public media that draws on the treasury to present programming that is in the interest of the general population. They do not support any political party, not even the party in power. (2). National media owned by the state and using the treasury money, are also controlled directly by the state. (3). Government media that is owned by the ruling party and uses the treasury money, are also controlled by the ruling party. These three models coexist already in the Arab world since independence. This phenomenon almost removed the clear distinction that existed in principle between the government media and the public media. After the Arab Spring in 2011, however, this distinction remains important. The public broadcaster model was based on a principle that is still justified for most of the world and that the private media alone can not guarantee the pluralism of broadcasting. The problem, however, is that the government media have also largely failed. In several countries, the arrival of private media has pushed governments to exercise editorial control of the public media. The discussion of media regulation is aimed primarily at ensuring that the media financed by the Public treasury exercise their profession with the full independence of the government of the day to which they are entitled, rather than aiming to restrict the freedom of the media that already enjoy full editorial independence. In the Arab world, there have been some attempts to recover and modernize the ideal model of public media, as for example the case of Tunisia, Morocco and Jordan. This study aim to search if the Arab broadcasting meet the recognized standards and the requirements of the concept of public service?Int. J. Soc. Sc. Manage. Vol. 5, Issue-3: 98-112 


PLoS ONE ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (11) ◽  
pp. e0259631
Author(s):  
Mofeyisara Oluwatoyin Omobowale ◽  
Eniola Adetola Bamgboye ◽  
Akinfemi Akinyode ◽  
Olugbenga Samuel Falase ◽  
Taiwo Olabode Ladipo ◽  
...  

The COVID-19 pandemic has affected all dimensions of lives and has become a social problem as it continues to spread widely through the continuous interactions of people in public spaces where they earn a living. Curbing the spread of COVID-19 requires restrictions in these public spaces, however, the compliance to these measures depends largely on the understanding and interpretations of COVID 19 by users of these public spaces. This study examined the contextual interpretations of public space users about COVID-19 prevention in Ibadan Metropolis, Oyo State. The study was a rapid ethnographic survey in selected public spaces (markets and commercial motor parks) in Ibadan metropolis. Data were collected through participant observation, key informant interviews (3 females; 3 males) and in-depth interviews (30) with, traders, head porters, clients/buyers and commercial vehicle drivers in these public spaces. Interviews conducted were transcribed, sorted into themes using Atlas-ti 7.5.7 and subjected to interpretive-content analysis. Findings revealed that some respondents felt COVID-19 was brought into Nigeria by rich frequent global voyagers, others felt it was through “uncultured” sexual life or wrath of God. Some also doubted the existence of the disease and many of the respondents perceived COVID-19 as a disease reported by the government or a political propaganda to siphon funds. The users of the public spaces in Ibadan Metropolis have variegated perception about the existence and severity of this rapidly spreading virus and this has grave implications for COVID-19 control in the State. Thus, regular interaction with public space users are essential for control efforts.


Author(s):  
Eka Permanasari ◽  
Sahid Mochtar ◽  
Rahma Purisari

The design of public space often embodies the power and political representation of a specific regime. As urban architecture symbolizes and establishes the identity of a regime, authorities often use a top-down approach to implement urban architectural programs. As a result, the spaces constructed often display power and identity, but lack consideration of public use. Public spaces are often exclusionary for public use. They merely stand for the representation of the authority. Accordingly, many public spaces built by the government are abandoned soon after their launch. Big ceremonies and public space displays only last a few days before these spaces are then closed to the public or appropriated for different uses. Most top-down approaches focus on the physical development, overlooking the users’ inclusion in decision making. This research analyses the political representation of public space design in RPTRA Bahari located in the South Jakarta. It analyses the political reason behind the development of RPTRA in Jakarta and the way participative design approach is employed during the design process to get public engagement in public space. Therefore, it investigates how the political representation is perceived in everyday life by analysing how the public space has been used three years since its launch. Through observation and interviews, this paper interrogates the political representation in urban forms and how public spaces become an arena where the government’s intentions and everyday uses meet. It concludes that a participative, bottom-up approach leads to more public use and engagement.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 39-45
Author(s):  
Endriy Artem ◽  
Voktir Busyedin

The goal of this study was to ascertain the critical nature of public transportation under the supervision of a health protocol. During the COVID-19 pandemic's New Normal phase, the government issued an appeal addressing health procedures for individuals who are active in public spaces or who use public facilities. This protocol also applies to the public transportation industry, specifically the bus industry. Health rules for bus use must be strictly adhered to and monitored in order to prevent the virus from spreading. The health protocol is implemented to offer a sense of security for public bus riders without jeopardizing the quality of service. A series of laws limiting capacity and enforcing strict adherence to health protocols for all modes of public transportation


2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 67
Author(s):  
Sumithra Sunder

Public spaces and institutions have often been linked when it comes to art practice in Bangalore. Whether it was the large-scale earthworks or the appropriation of heritage spaces taken on by artists, the spaces occupied by the public and the public art institutions have had a strong impact on the ways art gets produced in the city. There is also an additional element of reclaiming public spaces that is the struggle of most cities today.  Since February this year, the artist community of Bangalore has protested against the move made by the government to 'hand over' the Venkatappa Art Gallery to a private entity. This has spurred a lot of conversations about public spaces and public resources in the city, specifically, in relation to art. Art history and the 'teaching of art' have often been celebrated as an achievement of European scholarship. It is true that a number of institutions set up to teach art in India are a colonial legacy, but what emerged post-independence is a culture of rejecting European aesthetics and trying to form a national one if it were. And in our era of postmodern/postcolonial awareness, there is a fluidity in the conduct of the institutions and in the understanding of public spaces that have contributed to the aesthetic of the contemporary artist. In the light of the recent events, this paper will examine the ways in which the art gallery and later the freeform collectives serve as educational spaces for students and subsequently, explore the implications of the lack of such spaces in the practice of art in contemporary times. 


Author(s):  
Yordan Kristanto Dewangga ◽  
Sita Yuliastuti Amijaya ◽  
Hoseo Viadolorosa

The coronavirus pandemic or Covid-19 has happened in several countries, including Indonesia. This condition has an impact not only on public health but also on all sectors. Yogyakarta, a province in Indonesia, receives the impact of this pandemic, especially the Malioboro as a famous public area in the city. The Malioboro area, as an urban public space, becomes quieter due to the coronavirus pandemic. The new normal policy, which the government implemented through the adaptation of new habits, gradually bringing back the activities in the Malioboro area. Health protocols to maintain social distancing keep on encouraged with direct and written persuasive methods. The purpose of this study is to explore people's perceptions of urban public spaces in the new normal era in Malioboro. The method used was conducting a direct survey in Malioboro and giving a closed questionnaire online to the public. The discussion was performed by examining the results of a closed questionnaire with the current situation in Malioboro. The conclusions obtained that the community has received information to maintain social distancing. However, many people ignore the health protocols so that no difference with the situation before the pandemic. This condition does not change the spatial patterns and layouts related to space at the public scale and the distance of social interactions. Keywords: Covid-19; public spaces; social distancing; social interaction


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 189-209
Author(s):  
Elena V. Lebedeva

The paper investigates the communication gaps in the public spaces of post-Soviet cities (from the perspective of business-government-society interaction) through the spatial paradigm lens of urban sociology coupled with the perspective of communications studies. The author analyzes the particularities of the spatial organization of post-Soviet cities; describes the main features of their urban public space; and examines their impact on the patterns of social interactions. The paper presents the results of empirical research into the government-business relationship, using the case of Minsk, the capital city of Belarus. The author specifically focuses on the instances of communicative dysfunction (i.e. communication gaps) as the manifestation of social distance, exploring its nature from the perspective of the concept of “a Stranger”. The findings point at a need to supplement the local communities with local public communication channels and content.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 30-37
Author(s):  
I Wayan Sutrisna

The budget policy made by the government in principle aims to fulfill the wishes of all levels of society. Budget processes and allocations must be oriented to the public interest. This implies that the budget preparation process should involve many par- ties ranging from planning to implementation. For this reason, it is expected that spending for the public interest gets a greater proportion than spending on the apparatus, because public spending is a government investment that is expected to improve people’s welfare. Participation of all people in regional budget politics is very necessary so that the region- al budget can be used optimally for the development of all the communities in the area. Realizing this participation is not an easy thing because there are still many members of the community who still consider the preparation of regional budgets only determined by officials of the ruling party. The community programs proposed in the Development Planning Consultation (Musrenbang) at the village level will sometimes disappear at the next level because they are not escorted by officials of the ruling party. This assumption is still developing in the community so that the desire to participate in regional budget poli- tics has decreased. This assumption must be eliminated in the midst of the community by all components of the government so that the people want to involve themselves in every process of the formulation of regional budget policies.Participatory of communities are needed in the process of governance and development. The United Nation Development Program (UNDP), an institution under the auspices of the United Nations which deals with the development of nations in the world, has even included community participation in one of the indicators or characteristics of good gov- ernance. This implies that the higher level of community participation in the governance and development process shows that the ruling government has carried out a good gover- nance process.The management of the regional budget by involving high participation from the commu- nity will be able to make all the planning made in preparing the regional budget can be achieved effectively and efficiently. In addition, participatory budget policy will be able to make all programs implemented can be manipulated by all levels of society because all communities feel they have been involved in the entire process. The successful implemen- tation of development in the region will lead to national development success


2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 32-42
Author(s):  
Alison Fraser

For this examination, graffiti and neo-graffiti have been compared to public art in order to reveal the ideological constructions of urban public spaces. How does graffiti interact with the construction of urban public spaces? How is graffiti similar to and different from public art? Which of these art forms better represents the public and city living? By comparing public art to (neo)graffiti in Toronto, Ontario and Los Angeles, California, the gendered, racialized, and class-based exclusions present in R. Florida's (2002) creative cities framework as theorized by authors such as N. Smith (1996), Sharon Zukin (1996), and G. Standing (2011) can be revealed. Urban public spaces are carefully shaped by those in control, the government and corporations, with the intention of creating spaces and citizens within those spaces that can be a functioning part of their neoliberal capitalist system. Graffiti and neo-graffiti act as a visual interruption to this system, which in turn can be thought of as physically represented by public art. In this way (neo)graffiti is created by a minority of citizens with the hopes of reclaiming their right to exist in urban public spaces despite layers of ideological exclusions.For this examination, graffiti and neo-graffiti have been compared to public art in order to reveal the ideological constructions of urban public spaces. How does graffiti interact with the construction of urban public spaces? How is graffiti similar to and different from public art? Which of these art forms better represents the public and city living? By comparing public art (neo)graffiti in Toronto, Ontario and Los Angeles California, the racialized and class-based exclusions present in R. Florida’s (2002) creative cities framework theorized by authors such as N. Smith (1996), Sharon Zukin (1996), and G. Standing (2011) can be revealed. Urban public spaces are carefully shaped by those in control (the government and corporations) with the intention of creating spaces and citizens within those spaces that can be a functioning part of their system. Graffiti and neo-graffiti act as a visual interruption to this system as represented by public art. In this way (neo)graffiti is created by a minority of citizens with the hopes of reclaiming their right to exist in urban public spaces despite the layers of exclusions.


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