State and religion in a revolutionary era: perspectives and demands of the Islamic awakening†

2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-340
Author(s):  
Ridwan Al-Sayyid
Keyword(s):  
Political Islam ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Revolutionary Era ◽  
The Public ◽  
Major Threat ◽  
Arab Uprisings ◽  
Holding Power ◽  
Main Disadvantage ◽  
The Relationship

This paper tackles the relationship between Islam and the state in light of the ongoing revolutions. It focuses on two perspectives: the Islamists' claim that the Shari'a and not the umma (community) are the source of legitimacy in the evolving regimes; and that it is the duty of the state to protect religion and apply the Shari'a. The main disadvantage of these propositions is that they preclude the Umma both from political power and Shari'a, thus pitting it against these two assets which become manipulated to its disadvantage by those holding power. On the other hand, an open-minded and reformist Islamic perspective believes in people regaining the prerogative to rule themselves, guided by their intellect and the public good. The main call for the Arab uprisings is to quit political Islam, which seems to be the major threat to religion, and dangerously divisive for societies.

Jainism in Danger? Temple entry and the rhetoric of religion and reform in post-colonial India

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-37
Author(s):  
MANISHA SETHI
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Colonial India ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Debates ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Open The Doors ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract A bitter debate broke out in the Digambar Jain community in the middle of the twentieth century following the passage of the Bombay Harijan Temple Entry Act in 1947, which continued until well after the promulgation of the Untouchability (Offences) Act 1955. These laws included Jains in the definition of ‘Hindu’, and thus threw open the doors of Jain temples to formerly Untouchable castes. In the eyes of its Jain opponents, this was a frontal and terrible assault on the integrity and sanctity of the Jain dharma. Those who called themselves reformists, on the other hand, insisted on the closeness between Jainism and Hinduism. Temple entry laws and the public debates over caste became occasions for the Jains not only to examine their distance—or closeness—to Hinduism, but also the relationship between their community and the state, which came to be imagined as predominantly Hindu. This article, by focusing on the Jains and this forgotten episode, hopes to illuminate the civilizational categories underlying state practices and the fraught relationship between nationalism and minorities.

scholarly journals RELASI POLITIK DAN AGAMA DI TENGAH KETIDAKPASTIAN IDEOLOGI

2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-104
Author(s):  
Maskuri Maskuri
Keyword(s):  
Political Islam ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Ideal Society ◽  
The Relationship

Relation between religion and nation state is a term that often be a topic discuss in terms of political Islam, there is an opinion that the relationship between religion and the state are integrated as an entity, and the other say there is a mention that religion and the state it is only a mutualistic-symbiotic, in another context mentioned implementers. And the other side, the relationship between religion and the state is not at all related to each other that called secularist-liberalis. Religion should not intervene against the state, and vice versa. However, globalization makes politic loses its meaning as a tool in the struggle for the establishment of an ideal society. Thus, this paper is more emphasis on the relation between religion and the state in politic.

scholarly journals Political Islam and the State in Africa

2009 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 128-131
Author(s):  
Muhammed Haron
Keyword(s):  
Religion And Politics ◽  
Political Islam ◽  
The State ◽  
Nation State ◽  
African Continent ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Arena ◽  
The Relationship

Political Islam has been under the scholarly spotlight for over two decades.The events in the Muslim heartlands and beyond have caused scholars tocritically investigate the relationship between religion and politics throughoutthe era of secularism; some arguing that religion is on its way out, andothers stating that it is gradually gaining ground in the public arena. For thewestern-trained scholar, the religion-politics divide is a sine qua non; however,for those outside the scholarly circles, religion has always been connectedto and intertwined with politics. This has been the case with Islam.The editors of this text, which focuses on the nature of political Islam andthe nation-state on the African continent, have brought together a crop ofscholars with divergent views. It consists of nine chapters, an introductioncoauthored by Hussein Solomon and Akeem Fadare, and a conclusion coauthoredby Solomon and Firoza Butler ...

Bastard Feudalism and the Framing of Thirteenth-Century England

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Coss
Keyword(s):  
Middle Ages ◽  
Thirteenth Century ◽  
Twelfth Century ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Great Work ◽  
Early Middle Ages ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship

In the introduction to his great work of 2005, Framing the Early Middle Ages, Chris Wickham urged not only the necessity of carefully framing our studies at the outset but also the importance of closely defining the words and concepts that we employ, the avoidance ‘cultural sollipsism’ wherever possible and the need to pay particular attention to continuities and discontinuities. Chris has, of course, followed these precepts on a vast scale. My aim in this chapter is a modest one. I aim to review the framing of thirteenth-century England in terms of two only of Chris’s themes: the aristocracy and the state—and even then primarily in terms of the relationship between the two. By the thirteenth century I mean a long thirteenth century stretching from the period of the Angevin reforms of the later twelfth century on the one hand to the early to mid-fourteenth on the other; the reasons for taking this span will, I hope, become clearer during the course of the chapter, but few would doubt that it has a validity.

The Public Form of Law: Kant on the Second-Personal Constitution of Freedom

2016 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ariel Zylberman
Keyword(s):  
Public Law ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Public ◽  
Relational Norm ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractThe two standard interpretations of Kant’s view of the relationship between external freedom and public law make one of the terms a means for the production of the other: either public law is justified as a means to external freedom, or external freedom is justified as a means for producing a system of public law. This article defends an alternative, constitutive interpretation: public law is justified because it is partly constitutive of external freedom. The constitutive view requires conceiving of external freedom in a novel, second-personal way, that is, as an irreducibly relational norm.

Partnerships, Power, and Scale in Rural Governance

10.1068/c12m ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 289-310 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bill Edwards ◽  
Mark Goodwin ◽  
Simon Pemberton ◽  
Michael Woods
Keyword(s):  
Development Policy ◽  
The State ◽  
State Agencies ◽  
Working Relationships ◽  
Politics Of Scale ◽  
The Public ◽  
Rural Governance ◽  
Local Actors ◽  
Rural Development Policy ◽  
The Relationship

Partnerships have become established as a significant vehicle for the implementation of rural development policy in Britain. In promoting new working relationships between different state agencies and between the public, private, and voluntary sectors, partnerships have arguably contributed to a reconfiguration of the scalar hierarchy of the state. In this paper we draw on recent debates about the ‘politics of scale’ and on empirical examples from Mid Wales and Shropshire to explore the scalar implications of partnerships. We investigate how discursive constructs of partnership are translated into practice, how official discourses are mediated by local actors, the relationship between partnerships and existing scales of governance, and the particular ‘geometry of power’ being constructed through partnerships. We argue that the existing scalar hierarchy of the state has been influential in structuring the scales and territories of partnerships, and that, despite an apparent devolution of the public face of governance, the state remains crucial in governing the process of governance through partnerships.

Concluding Remarks to Part 3

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Preminger
Keyword(s):  
Government Policy ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Individual Responsibility ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Third ◽  
Third Sphere ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

Chapter 15 summarizes the chapters which addressed the third sphere, the relationship of labor to the political community. It reiterates that since Israel was established, the labor market’s borders have become ever more porous, while the borders of the national (Jewish) political community have remained firm: the Jewish nationalism which guides government policy is as strong as ever. NGOs, drawing on a discourse of human rights, are able to assist some non-citizens but this discourse also resonates with the idea of individual responsibility: the State is no longer willing to support “non-productive” populations, who are now being shoehorned into a labor market which offers few opportunities for meaningful employment, and is saturated by cheaper labor intentionally imported by the State in response to powerful employer lobbies. These trends suggest a partial reorientation of organized labor’s “battlefront”, from a face-off with capital to an appeal to the public and state.

Basic Income as a Human Right?

2019 ◽  
pp. 541-552
Author(s):  
Daniel J. Hemel
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Public Goods ◽  
The State ◽  
Human Being ◽  
Basic Income ◽  
Human Right ◽  
Global Commons ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Relationship

This chapter suggests a human rights–based justification for national basic income schemes, contrasting it with justifications based on welfarist principles or notions of entitlement to a share of the global commons. Starting from the premise that a state is a collective enterprise that generates a surplus, it contends that any human being who is an “obedient” member of that state has a right to some share of the surplus. That right—which arises from the relationship between the individual and the state, and is independent of need—could justify the entitlement to a basic income. Such income should be provided in cash, not in kind, because the latter risks depriving the individual of the enjoyment of his share of the surplus—in effect, forcing him to forfeit or transfer it to others if he does not use the public goods or services provided by the state.

scholarly journals Moving Toward Neo-Totalitarianism: A Political-Sociological Analysis of the Evolution of Administrative Absorption of Society in China

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Xiaoguang Kang
Keyword(s):  
Nonprofit Organizations ◽  
Nonprofit Sector ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Sociological Analysis ◽  
State Capitalism ◽  
Laws And Policies ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Three Phases

AbstractChina recently promulgated and revised a number of laws, regulations and measures to regulate the nonprofit sector. All these administrative efforts increase support for Chinese nonprofit organizations (NPOs) on the one hand and put unprecedented pressure on them on the other. The seemingly contradictory effects are actually based on the same logic of Administrative Absorption of Society (AAS). This article proposes three phases in the development of AAS: an subconscious phase, a theory-modeling phase, and an institutionalization phase. The institutionalization of AAS has led to the rise of neo-totalitarianism, which is featured by state capitalism, unlimited government, and a mixed ideology of Marxism and Confucianism. Neo-totalitarianism further strengthens AAS and has begun to reshape the relationship between the state and the nonprofit sector. This article analyzes China’s nonprofit policymaking from a sociopolitical perspective, and clarifies the context, the characteristics, and the evolution of laws and policies in the nonprofit sector in macrocosm.

PUBLIC INTEREST AS A DETERMINANT OF TERRITORIAL AUTONOMY

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (XX) ◽  
pp. 223-233
Author(s):  
Przemysław Niemczuk
Keyword(s):  
Public Interest ◽  
National Interest ◽  
The State ◽  
Social Conditions ◽  
The Public ◽  
Relative Term ◽  
The Law ◽  
Distribution Of Power ◽  
The Relationship

The article aims to explore the concept of territorial autonomy. The research assumption is that public interest is one of the fundamental determinants of territorial autonomy. Territorial autonomy has not been defined by law. It is a general and relative term, and thus difficult to define (if such an enterprise is possible at all). However, one thing is certain - the idea behind this term determines the law regulating the organizational and territorial form of the state, i.e. the distribution of power between the centre and the territory. Further attempts to specify territorial autonomy are met with serious difficulties. Therefore, it is crucial to look at it through the prism of public interest. The term public interest has a relative meaning, because it depends on the constantly changing social conditions. This variability is, among others, a result of the territorial context. The national interest and the territorial interest will be defined in different ways. It seems, therefore, that in order to explicate the notion territorial autonomy, one should refer to the concept of public interest and then take into account the relationship between the interest of a territory and the interest of the whole state. This will make it possible to outline territorial autonomy through the prism of its determinant – the public interest.

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