Conflict, Justice, and the Stranger-King Indigenous Roots of Colonial Rule in Indonesia and Elsewhere

2004 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Henley

Historians of Indonesia often think of states, and especially colonial states, as predatory institutions encroaching aggressively on the territory and autonomy of freedom-loving stateless peoples. For Barbara and Leonard Andaya, early European expansion in Sumatra and the Moluccas was synonymous with the distortion or destruction of decentralized indigenous political systems based on cooperation, alliance, economic complementarity, and myths of common ancestry (B. W. Andaya 1993; L. Y. Andaya 1993). Anthony Reid (1997: 81) has described tribal societies like those of the Batak and Minangkabau in highland Sumatra as ‘miracles of statelessness’ which ‘defended their autonomy by a mixture of guerilla warfare, diplomatic flexibility, and deliberate exaggeration of myths about their savagery’ until ultimately overwhelmed by Dutch military power. Before colonialism, in this view, most Indonesians relied for security not on the protection of a powerful king, but on a ‘complex web of contractual mutualities’ embodying a ‘robust pluralism’ (Reid 1998: 29, 32). ‘So persistently’, concludes Reid (1997: 80-1), ‘has each step towards stronger states in the archipelago arisen from trading ports, with external aid and inspiration, that one is inclined to seek the indigenous political dynamic in a genius for managing without states’. Henk Schulte Nordholt (2002: 54), for his part, cautions against any tendency to downplay the violent, repressive aspects of colonial and post-colonial government in Indonesia, expressing the hope that ‘a new Indonesian historiography will succeed in liberating itself from the interests, perspective, and conceptual framework of the state’. An even more systematic attempt to demonize the (modern) state in Indonesia and elsewhere can be found in the work of James Scott (1998a, 1998b).

2007 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 251-260 ◽  
Author(s):  
Virgil Henry Storr ◽  
Bridget Butkevich

Entrepreneurs are cultural creatures and culture affects how they conceive their opportunities and how they determine and pursue their interests. Understanding entrepreneurship in any particular context thus requires attention to be paid to prevailing cultural beliefs as well as the formal and informal institutions that affect economic behaviour. This paper adopts the important but seldom used approach of focusing upon the tales of entrepreneurship prevalent in a given culture. The authors argue that to get a sense of the economic culture in a particular context, it is crucial to focus on what a culture's success and failure stories tell about how to get ahead. Arguably, this approach is particularly important if the goal is to understand entrepreneurship amongst subaltern/marginalized groups. Using fiction from the former Soviet bloc, where a one-dimensional form of entrepreneurship flourished even within the command economy, and literature from anglophone Africa and the British Caribbean where black entrepreneurship had to contend with brutal colonial rule and post-colonial corruption, this paper highlights how entrepreneurs were influenced by culture in these contexts, and explores the origins of these cultural factors.


2018 ◽  
Vol 64 (3) ◽  
pp. 373-384 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rajendra Kumar Pandey

The contemporary omnipresence of independent regulatory authorities (IRAs) as formidable structures of governance in different countries has long intellectual roots that helped in their evolution over a period of time. Though such intellectual traditions might have been found in every country, they appear to be more pronounced and definite in the countries where the idea of independent regulatory bodies has been originated and practised more fundamentally than others. In this context, America and India stand out prominently for obvious reasons. For instance, they represent two distinct political systems in which certain variations in intellectual traditions of independent regulatory bodies may be discerned. Further, while the intellectual traditions in America seem to be relatively autonomous vis-à-vis external influences, such traditions in India have surely been influenced by the long years of colonial rule that laid the foundation of the post-independence politico-administrative system of the country. This article seeks to present an analytical study of the intellectual roots of independent regulatory bodies in the two countries in a comparative perspective.


1998 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 337-355 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. J. Stockwell

It is a commonplace that European rule contributed both to the consolidation of the nation-states of Southeast Asia and to the aggravation of disputes within them. Since their independence, Burma, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Vietnam have all faced the upheavals of secessionism or irredentism or communalism. Governments have responded to threats of fragmentation by appeals to national ideologies like Sukarno's pancasila (five principles) or Ne Win's ‘Burmese way to socialism’. In attempting to realise unity in diversity, they have paraded a common experience of the struggle for independence from colonial rule as well as a shared commitment to post-colonial modernisation. They have also ruthlessly repressed internal opposition or blamed their problems upon the foreign forces of neocolonialism, world communism, western materialism, and other threats to Asian values. Yet, because its effects were uneven and inconsistent while the reactions to it were varied and frequently equivocal, the part played by colonialism in shaping the affiliations and identities of Southeast Asian peoples was by no means clear-cut.


2019 ◽  
pp. 12-25
Author(s):  
Katherine Isobel Baxter

Chapter One provides an account of the history of colonial and postcolonial Nigeria, focusing particularly on politics and law. The chapter recounts the long history of British colonial presence in West Africa and explains the introduction of indirect rule as a system of colonial government from the turn of the century. Some of the impacts of indirect rule are considered through reference to Obafemi Awolowo’s memoir, Awo, and Chinua Achebe’s novel, Arrow of God. The chapter also sketches out the divisions that indirect rule fomented and the resistance to which it gave rise. Finally, the chapter explains the implications of indirect rule for the implementation of law in Nigeria both during colonial rule and following independence.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Su Yun Kim

This chapter captures the complex phenomenon of representations of Korean–Japanese intimate relationships in Korean popular literature, media, and cinema with colonial policies during the Japanese protectorate period and colonial rule in Korea from 1905 to 1945. It cites that Koreans' experience of intimacy was rare in twentieth-century global colonialism as intermarriage and intimate relationships were encouraged by the colonial government. It also argues that Korean writers and cultural producers of the first half of the twentieth century displayed a fascination with their Japanese colonizers. The chapter analyses moments when colonial subjects become active participants in, and agents of, Japanese and global imperialism. It talks about the cracks in the colonial system, such as moments when Koreans became equal to the Japanese, with or without the support of the colonial rulers.


Author(s):  
Laura Robson

The third chapter looks at the imposition of European colonial rule via the mandates system in the former Arab provinces. It focuses particularly on the League of Nations’ formal legitimization of European colonial rule across the region and Zionist settlement in Palestine, and the subsequent creation and enforcement of new communal and ethnic identities through new colonial legal and political systems across the mandate territories. Though many varieties of nationalist resistance to colonial occupation and mandate authority emerged during this period, the successes of the Zionist movement in Palestine and the ethno-communal legal and political structures of all the mandate states served to encourage the emergence of communally based political organization as a primary mode of anti-colonial resistance.


HUMANIKA ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 20
Author(s):  
. Hadiyanto

Abstract This article discusses white-skinned race colonization and its impacts on African black-skinned race tribal society and culture in African Anglophone novel Things Fall Apart written by Chinua Achebe. The approach used in this research is post-colonial approach by using post-colonial theory to analyze phenomena as well as the implication of the colonizer and the colonized relationship. The result of this research indicates that the coming of white-skinned race colonialists in African Ibo tribe community with their colonization and cultural imperialism is implemented with varied strategies. Those strategies are proven effectively in strengthening white-skinned race’s colonial hegemony in Africa. The white-skinned race colonialists’ imperialism results in horizontal conflict and cultural-social disintegration in African native society; between the pro-colonial and the anti-colonial. Anti-colonial resistence is shown by most African native society to fight against colonial government arrogance and to resist white-skinned race imperialism in Africa. Keywords: African black-skinned race traditional culture, white-skinned race colonization, horizontal conflict, social-cultural disintegration


Polar Record ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Sejersen

Abstract In the ambitious strategy of Greenland to attract foreign companies to engage in extractive industries as a means to create increased national independence the question of minerals emerges as pivotal. The article investigates how two prominent Greenlandic premiers (2009–2014) translated hard rock into soft human welfare in a complex post-colonial context. The article develops the concept of “brokers of hope” which points the analytical attention to the entrepreneurial activities of future- and people-makers in a dense field of indigenous politics. By linking this concept to the idea of “resource materialities” it becomes possible to see resources as relational assemblages that are in a constant state of becoming and also to examine how different engagements with substances can make certain political struggles and political systems legitimate. Furthermore, the article investigates how these “brokers of hope” use the Chinese interests, and ideas of new cooperation with Chinese partners to underpin the intrinsic motivation to create new beginnings and thus to transform existing asymmetrical relations between Denmark and Greenland. This process is conceptualised as “double orientalism”. The article points out how hope and promise in two quite different ways are creatively used to make the future work in the present and how people and nations are made up in that process.


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