Does sexual violence contribute to elevated rates of anxiety and depression in females?

2002 ◽  
Vol 32 (6) ◽  
pp. 991-996 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. M. FERGUSSON, ◽  
N. R. SWAIN-CAMPBELL ◽  
L. J. HORWOOD

Background. It is well documented that females have higher rates of internalizing disorders (anxiety, depression) than males. It is also well known that females have higher exposure to childhood sexual abuse and sexual assault. Recently, it has been proposed that the higher levels of internalizing disorders in females may be caused by their greater exposure to sexual violence.Method. Data were gathered as part of the Christchurch Health and Development Study. In this study a cohort of 1265 children born in Christchurch, New Zealand, in 1977 have been studied from birth to age 21 years. The measures collected included: major depression and anxiety, childhood sexual abuse and adolescent sexual assault.Results. Findings confirmed the established conclusion that internalizing disorders are over twice as common in females than males (ORs 2·2–2·7). In addition, it was found that females were exposed to higher rates of sexual violence than males (ORs 5·1–8·4). Statistical control for gender related differences in exposure to sexual violence reduced the associations between gender and anxiety and depression. Nonetheless, even after such control, gender was significantly (P<0·0001) related to both anxiety (OR = 1·8; 95% CI, 1·3–2·4) and depression (OR = 1·9; 95% CI, 1·4–2·3).Conclusions. Greater female exposure to sexual violence may be a factor that contributes to greater female susceptibility to internalizing disorders. However, even after adjustment for gender differences in exposure to sexual violence it is clear that a substantial relationship between gender and internalizing disorder persists.

Author(s):  
Sierra Burrier

The project We Still Have Mutual Friends is a qualitative interview study into women’s experiences with sexualviolence. Through the interview process, mostly face-to-face recorded interviews, I have evaluated multiplefacets of sexual abuse/marginalization and their consequences on survivors. In total, I interviewed thirty-twowomen about their familial background, their adolescence, and depending on their age, their life experienceswith their sexuality. Some of the facets I have focused on are the disparity between a subject’s definition andtheir experience of sexual assault. I have also evaluated their self-awareness of this disparity, and why they thinkit occurs. I tried as much as I could, to ask questions in an order/way that did not create preferential answering.Because these interviews followed a standard oral history format of open-ended questions with follow-ups basedon the interviewee’s answers, instances of leading answers were possible. Seventeen out of thirty-two womenwere white, with the next largest group being Hispanic, and then Black. With ages ranging from eighteen upto fifty-eight, several generational voices are accounted for. While there were certain trends found within typesof assault, and who it was (trends not entirely new to us), one thing I discovered is a similar background everyperson shared with their family. All the women had at some point experienced some sort of “body policing.” Ihope this project has provided a more holistic view into the world of sexual violence that women face.


Author(s):  
Ruchi Trivedi

It takes seconds of impulsiveness for an act of sexual abuse to cross the thin line to convert into an act of sexual violence and vice-versa. There are cases where the act of sexual violence is initiated with consent, and there are acts of sexual violence that fall under the umbrella term sexual assault. This chapter examines the role of violence in sexual abuse, i.e. sexual violence. The first section reviews the definitions of sexual violence and throwing some light on forms of violence in sexual abuse and violation of consent during an act of sexual violence. The second section reviews the risk factors and causal for sexual violence. The third section presents an overview of different perspectives on violence in context to sexual abuse are mentioned and examined.


2011 ◽  
Vol 199 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Bebbington ◽  
Sarah Jonas ◽  
Elizabeth Kuipers ◽  
Michael King ◽  
Claudia Cooper ◽  
...  

BackgroundA number of studies in a range of samples attest a link between childhood sexual abuse and psychosis.AimsTo use data from a large representative general population sample (Adult Psychiatric Morbidity Survey 2007) to test hypotheses that childhood sexual abuse is linked to psychosis, and that the relationship is consistent with mediation by revictimisation experiences, heavy cannabis use, anxiety and depression.MethodThe prevalence of psychosis was established operationally in a representative cross-sectional survey of the adult household population of England (n = 7353). Using computer-assisted self-interview, a history of various forms of sexual abuse was established, along with the date of first abuse.ResultsSexual abuse before the age of 16 was strongly associated with psychosis, particularly if it involved non-consensual sexual intercourse (odds ratio (OR) = 10.14, 95% CI 4.8–21.3, population attributable risk fraction 14%). There was evidence of partial mediation by anxiety and depression, but not by heavy cannabis use nor revictimisation in adulthood.ConclusionsThe association between childhood sexual abuse and psychosis was large, and may be causal. These results have important implications for the nature and aetiology of psychosis, for its treatment and for primary prevention.


2016 ◽  
Vol 23 (12) ◽  
pp. 1462-1483 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Relyea ◽  
Sarah E. Ullman

This study used a large community sample of women sexual assault survivors to prospectively assess 17 theorized predictors across four types of sexual assault revictimization: unwanted contact, coercion, substance-involved assault (SIA), and force. Results indicated that predictors varied across types of revictimization: Unwanted contact and coercion appeared more common in social contexts more hostile toward survivors, whereas forcible assaults and SIAs occurred in circumstances where survivors were vulnerable to being targeted by perpetrators. Overall, the strongest predictors were social environments hostile to survivors, race, childhood sexual abuse, decreased refusal assertiveness, and having more sexual partners. We discuss implications for intervention and research.


2020 ◽  
pp. 088626052097819
Author(s):  
Frédérique Vallières ◽  
Brynne Gilmore ◽  
Ann Nolan ◽  
Peggy Maguire ◽  
Kristina Bondjers ◽  
...  

Current data on the prevalence and psychosocial correlates of sexual violence in the Republic of Ireland is lacking, with the most recent sexual abuse and violence survey dating back to 2001. The current study sought to identify what proportion of Irish adults have experienced sexual violence, if there are sex differences in exposure to different forms of sexual violence, and to what extent different forms of sexual violence are associated with adverse psychosocial outcomes. To achieve these objectives, we carried out a nationally representative sample of Irish adults ( N = 1,020) completed self-report measures of history of sexual violence and mental health. Results suggest that approximately one-in-three (34.4%) Irish adults experienced some form of sexual violence, including 14.8% who were sexually assaulted (raped) and 31.1% who were sexually harassed. Women were significantly more likely than men to have experienced all forms of sexual violence ( ps < .001), with the exception of sexual assault by a parent or guardian. All forms of sexual violence were associated with an increased likelihood of serious mental health problems, with sexual assault by a parent/guardian associated with several other psychosocial outcomes in life, including education achievement, history of being taken into state care, salary, and employment status. Sexual violence is a common experience in the general population and women are disproportionately affected (1-in-2 women versus 1-in-5 men). Additional resources to increase mental health care among survivors of sexual violence is urgently needed. How our findings compare to Ireland’s previous sexual abuse and violence survey and the implications of our findings for policy are discussed.


2019 ◽  
pp. 088626051986819 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michelle R. Kaufman ◽  
Debangan Dey ◽  
Ciprian Crainiceanu ◽  
Mark Dredze

The #MeToo Movement has brought new attention to sexual harassment and assault. While the movement originates with activist Tarana Burke, actor Alyssa Milano used the phrase on Twitter in October 2017 in response to multiple sexual harassment allegations against Hollywood producer Harvey Weinstein. Within 24 hours, 53,000 people tweeted comments and/or shared personal experiences of sexual violence. The study objective was to measure how information seeking via Google searches for sexual harassment and assault changed following Milano’s tweet and whether this change was sustained in spite of celebrity scandals. Weekly Google search inquiries in the United States were downloaded for the terms metoo, sexual assault, sexual harassment, sexual abuse, and rape for January 1, 2017 to July 15, 2018. Seven related news events about perpetrator accusations were considered. Results showed that searches for metoo increased dramatically after the Weinstein accusation and stayed high during subsequent accusations. A small decrease in searches followed, but the number remained very high relative to baseline (the period before the Weinstein accusation). Searches for sexual assault and sexual harassment increased substantially immediately following the Weinstein accusation, stayed high during subsequent accusations, and saw a decline after the accusation of Matt Lauer (talk show host; last event considered). We estimated a 40% to 70% reduction in searches 6 months after the Lauer accusation, though the increase in searches relative to baseline remained statistically significant. For sexual abuse and rape, the number of searches returned close to baseline by 6 months. It appears that the #MeToo movement sparked greater information seeking that was sustained beyond the associated events. Given its recent ubiquitous use in the media and public life, hashtag activism such as #MeToo can be used to draw further attention to the next steps in addressing sexual assault and harassment, moving public web inquiries from information seeking to action.


2012 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katie M. Edwards ◽  
Megan C. Kearns ◽  
Christine A. Gidycz ◽  
Karen S. Calhoun

The researchers assessed the predictors of victim–perpetrator relationship stability following a sexual assault. Participants included 254 women sexually assaulted by a friend, casual dating partner, or steady dating partner. Results suggested that most victim–perpetrator relationships (75%) continued following the sexual assault. Greater trauma symptomatology, less perpetrator blame, and nondisclosure of the assault by victims predicted relationship continuation with the perpetrator. Additionally, the odds of continuing the relationship were greater following acts of sexual coercion than following acts of completed rape. Close relationships (steady dating partner) were more likely to continue following the sexual assault than less close relationships (friends and casual dating partners). Unexpectedly, the odds of relationship stability were greater for women without histories of childhood sexual abuse than women with histories of childhood sexual abuse. Implications for future research and intervention are discussed.


2020 ◽  
pp. 088626052096713
Author(s):  
Cat Munroe ◽  
Martha Shumway

Individuals who experience female-perpetrated sexual assault (FPSA) are underrepresented in the sexual victimization literature. Much of the existing research on FPSA centers on child welfare-involved families and convicted or incarcerated female sexual offenders, with limited research devoted to victims of FPSA. The current study included a diverse sample of 138 community adults who experienced one or more incident of FPSA, and sought to (a) describe individuals who experienced FPSA, including their overall trauma exposure, (b) describe perpetrator age and relationship to the respondent, (c) explore whether respondents labeled FPSA as sexual assault and disclosed it to others, and (d) examine the prevalence of depressive and posttraumatic symptoms in this population. Of the respondents, 61.6% experienced childhood FPSA, 18.8% experienced adulthood FPSA, and 19.6% experienced both childhood and adulthood FPSA. Survivors of FPSA were highly trauma exposed; 71.7% reported a male-perpetrated victimization, over 90% reported any childhood sexual abuse, over 60% reported any adulthood victimization, 55.1% reported victimizations in both childhood and adulthood, and 78.3% endorsed any revictimization. Perpetrators of FPSA were often known individuals, including friends, family members, babysitters, and romantic partners. Incidents of female perpetrators co-offending with males accounted for only 5.5%–8.5% of FPSA events, contrary to myths about female offending. Incidents of FPSA were often labeled as sexual assault in retrospect, but only 54.3% of respondents ever disclosed an incident of FPSA. Depressive and posttraumatic symptoms were common. Results indicate FPSA is typically perpetrated by individuals acting alone who are known to and close to the victim. Incidents of FPSA may not be labeled as sexual abuse or assault at the time of the event, are not frequently disclosed, and may carry long-term mental health consequences for survivors. Significant research efforts are needed to better identify and help these underrecognized, highly trauma burdened survivors of violence.


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