Natural Corporatism and the Passing of Populism in Spanish America

1974 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald C. Newton
Keyword(s):  
Trade Unions ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Professional Associations ◽  
Augusto Pinochet Ugarte ◽  
Trade Associations ◽  
Salvador Allende ◽  
The People ◽  
Augusto Pinochet ◽  
The Military ◽  
Popular Unity

In the aftermath of the military revolt that overthrew the Popular Unity government of Dr. Salvador Allende in September 1973, reports began to seep out of Chile that the junta was supervising revision of the constitution in a “corporativist” sense. The structural alterations contemplated are designed, in the first instance, to ensure permanent military representation in the councils of government. However, General Augusto Pinochet Ugarte, head of the military junta, has made it known that the new constitution will also give a prominent place to industrial, commercial, agrobusiness, mining, and professional associations, which he terms “the authentic representatives of the people.” Such employers' and trade associations—known collectively as “gremios patronales,” to distinguish them from trade unions or “gremios de obreros” — have been in existence for many years, but a number of them experienced a sharp upsurge of political militancy in the late 1960's in reaction to what their leaders perceived as the leftward drift of the then-ruling Christian Democratic Party. Their role, under the direction of the Confederation of Production and Commerce, in arousing resistance to the Popular Unity government elected in 1970 and, ultimately, in paralyzing it before its final downfall is widely known, at least in outline.

Epilogue

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Barr-Melej
Keyword(s):  
Military Regime ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Augusto Pinochet Ugarte ◽  
Augusto Pinochet ◽  
The Military

The epilogue briefly pushes the book’s discussion forward in time, into 1974, when countercultural youths faced very different conditions put upon them by a military regime whose leaders were familiar with anticounterculture discourses, especially those of the Allende years. Upon the military coup (led by General Augusto Pinochet Ugarte) that ended Allende’s presidency and democracy in September 1973, matters turned from troublesome to dismal for many hippies (including Jorge Gómez), Siloists, and countercultural youths in general as the dictatorship forcefully imposed its notion about youth, discipline, and culture.

scholarly journals Mujeres en movimiento: bajo la Dictadura militar chilena (1973-1990)

2008 ◽  
pp. 241
Author(s):  
Javier Maraval Yáguez
Keyword(s):  
Women Survivors ◽  
Concentration Camps ◽  
National Commission ◽  
Augusto Pinochet Ugarte ◽  
Derechos Humanos ◽  
Augusto Pinochet ◽  
Las Mujeres ◽  
Political Imprisonment ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Impact

<p>Desde la perspectiva histórica feminista, el artículo analiza el impacto que la represiónde la dictadura militar del general Augusto Pinochet Ugarte (1973-1990) causó en las mujeres que conformaron la oposición política. La Tortura Sexual se definió como una estrategia dirigida y pensada contra las prisioneras en los diversos campos de concentración que se extendían a lo largo de Chile. Este hecho, invisibilizado durante años por los diversos estudios entorno a los Derechos Humanos, se reconoció de forma oficial cuando en 2004 se publicó el Informe de la Comisión Nacional sobre Prisión Política y Tortura (<em>Informe</em><em> Valech</em>), un documento pionero que recogía 4000 testimonios de mujeres supervivientes.</p><p>From the feminist historical perspective, the article analyses the impact of the Pinochet dictatorship repression (1970-1990) against women from the political opposition. The sexual torture was a specific strategy carried out in the military concentration camps all around Chile. This fact was not visible until the publication of the National Commission on Political Imprisonment and Torture Report in 2004 (<em>Valech</em><em> Report</em>), a pioneer investigation  that  recognises  sexual tortur  as specific torture against  prisoners including 4000 women survivors testimonies.</p><p> </p>

scholarly journals Comprem a democracia: o papel dos meios de comunicação de massa e do liberalismo na redemocratização do Chile

Anagrama ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
André Spigariol Rinaldi
Keyword(s):  
Augusto Pinochet Ugarte ◽  
Salvador Allende ◽  
Augusto Pinochet

Em 1988, os meios de comunicação chilenos, em especial a televisão, desempenharam um papel decisivo para a derrocada pacífica do regime militar de Augusto Pinochet Ugarte (1973-1990) no plebiscito daquele ano, a partir da veiculação da exitosa campanha de propaganda eleitoral pela opção "No" (Não) à continuidade do general no poder. Pela primeira vez em 15 anos os lares de todas as partes do Chile recebiam em seus televisores conteúdos, informações e opiniões contrários ao governo, que exerceu forte controle sobre a mídia e grupos opositores desde o primeiro dia do golpe contra o governo democrático de Salvador Allende Gossens. O triunfo do "No" confirmou uma tendência inevitável que a sociedade e mídia chilenas dos anos 80 apresentavam, com uma crescente pressão social pela libertação das amarras autoritárias e instrumentos de repressão sobre os cidadãos. Por conta da adesão da grande mídia ao Regime - seja por meio de censura ou afinidade ideológica - há poucos estudos sobre o impacto de sua atuação para a redemocratização do país; em geral, aponta-se que os veículos alternativos, por seu caráter contestador, tiveram maior relevância para o retorno à democracia. Sem embargo, neste trabalho é apresentada uma visão que diverge das mais comuns, mostrando como os meios tradicionais de comunicação massiva e o contexto de liberalismo econômico ao qual estavam submetidos foram determinantes para que a pressão pela liberalização política do Chile se tornasse insustentável para Augusto Pinochet e seus comandados.

The United States and the Presidential Election of 1970

2020 ◽  
pp. 151-164
Author(s):  
Sebastián Hurtado-Torres
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Social Justice ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
Salvador Allende ◽  
Global Cold War ◽  
Popular Unity ◽  
Rare Opportunity

This chapter studies the 1970 Chilean presidential election. As the Marxist Left had a good chance of winning, the 1970 election stood as a rare opportunity for a nation to head toward socialism by freely choosing an avowedly Marxist leader and an explicitly revolutionary project. The implications of such a choice, everyone understood, were enormous. From the viewpoint of Salvador Allende and the Left, the so-called “Chilean road to Socialism” would eventually lead to a thorough renovation of Chile's political framework and economic system and realize the goals of social justice long sought by the parties representing the true interests of the working class. From the viewpoint of anti-Marxist sensibilities, especially in the Christian Democratic Party, a government of Popular Unity could transform Chile's fine democracy into an authoritarian or dictatorial system like those of Cuba or Eastern Europe. On the international scene, an Allende victory would also have profound repercussions. An Allende victory would be a huge triumph for the cause of world revolution and, consequently, a crushing blow for the standing of the United States in the global Cold War.

scholarly journals European Reconfigurations of Transnational Activism: Solidarity and Human Rights Campaigns on Behalf of Chile during the 1970s and 1980s

2018 ◽  
Vol 63 (3) ◽  
pp. 413-448
Author(s):  
Kim Christiaens
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Third World ◽  
Transnational Activism ◽  
The Third ◽  
Salvador Allende ◽  
Augusto Pinochet ◽  
The Third World ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Impact

AbstractThe overthrow of the democratically elected socialist president Salvador Allende in Chile and the human rights violations under the military junta of Augusto Pinochet spawned one of the most iconic and sustained human rights campaigns of the Cold War. Human rights scholars have argued that this movement on behalf of Chile signalled the “breakthrough” of human rights as the lingua franca of transnational activism. They have emphasized the global dimensions of these campaigns, which inspired movements mobilizing on behalf of other issues in the Third World. However, such narratives have not been corroborated by research on the campaigns as developed in Europe. Historians have so far focused on the impact of the Chilean crisis in specific countries or on particular organizations, and on the ways in which human rights activism was coloured by local and national contexts. This article aims to shift the scope of the debate by establishing relations with and crossovers from other transnational causes and campaigns, analysing the ways in which campaigns on behalf of Chile became intimately related to campaigns on intra-European issues during the 1970s and 1980s. It explores the so far little-studied connections between campaigns over Chile and simultaneously burgeoning movements on behalf of East–West détente, resistance against authoritarian regimes in Southern Europe, and the plight of dissidents in Eastern Europe. It argues that campaigns on behalf of Chile were reconfigured around European themes, created bonds of solidarity within a divided Europe, and drew on analogies rather than a juxtaposition between Europe and the Third World.

scholarly journals REFORMAS EDUCATIVAS EN CHILE: UNA MIRADA DESDE EL ENFOQUE DE GÉNERO

2021 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raquel del Carmen Flores Bernal ◽  
Emivaldo Silva Nogueira ◽  
Viviana Rebufel Álvarez
Keyword(s):  
Augusto Pinochet Ugarte ◽  
Salvador Allende ◽  
Augusto Pinochet

RESUMEN El presente estudio tiene como objetivo analizar las reformas del sistema educativo en Chile entre los años 1965 bajo el gobierno de Eduardo Frei Montalva; 1973, con Salvador Allende Gossens; y 1981, con la privatización y la municipalización de la educación durante el régimen militar de Augusto Pinochet Ugarte. Estos tres momentos políticos hicieron cambios importantes en la educación en Chile, expandiendo y estableciendo parámetros educativos que cruzaron esos momentos históricos y han llegado a nuestros días. Sin embargo, dentro de este tema, la cuestión de género fue poco discutido. Por lo tanto, en este estudio, analizaremos cómo la educación, en estos tres períodos históricos, enfrentó el tema del género y las desigualdades educativas existentes entre hombres y mujeres.

scholarly journals The Chilean counter-revolution: Roots, dynamics and legacies of mass mobilisation against the Unidad Popular

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcelo Casals
Keyword(s):  
Previous Experience ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Social Actors ◽  
Salvador Allende ◽  
The World ◽  
Political Project ◽  
The Military ◽  
Popular Unity ◽  
The Way

The election of Salvador Allende and the Unidad Popular (Popular Unity) in 1970 unleashed a radical and original revolutionary process, discernible not only in the depth of its redistributive measures and the expectations it generated, but also in the ferocity with which those who identified with the counter-revolutionary ideal responded to that project. The counter-revolution, initially confined to the conservative and reactionary sectors, in a matter of months became an immense mass mobilisation that would end up paving the way for the military coup. This article analyses that counter-revolutionary process, exploring its historic roots, the main actors involved and the innovations in political practices it developed at the time. The ‘counter-revolutionary bloc’ was formed by a diverse array of political and social actors – some of whom did not have previous experience in political mobilisations – who based their actions on the adoption and socialisation of a long-standing anti-Communist script, through which they could make sense of the period’s changing reality. That script – based on decades of taking in events from other parts of the world, elaborations and accusations against all those who identified as Communists – aimed to reduce the originality of the Unidad Popular’s political project to a remake of classic socialist experiences in Chilean territory and processed in a dystopian key. The counter-revolution’s power would be projected into the military dictatorship that began in 1973, when it became a sort of official state ideology, and it would become a foundational experience for Chilean conservative sectors with reverberations even in in the present.

The State versus the People

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Rendle
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
Effective Means ◽  
State Control ◽  
Scarce Resources ◽  
Soviet State ◽  
The People ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Complex Picture ◽  
The Military

This book provides the first detailed account of the role of revolutionary justice in the early Soviet state. Law has often been dismissed by historians as either unimportant after the October Revolution amid the violence and chaos of civil war or even, in the absence of written codes and independent judges, little more than another means of violence. This is particularly true of the most revolutionary aspect of the new justice system, revolutionary tribunals—courts inspired by the French Revolution and established to target counter-revolutionary enemies. This book paints a more complex picture. The Bolsheviks invested a great deal of effort and scarce resources into building an extensive system of tribunals that spread across the country, including into the military and the transport network. At their peak, hundreds of tribunals heard hundreds of thousands of cases every year. Not all ended in harsh sentences: some were dismissed through lack of evidence; others given a wide range of sentences; others still suspended sentences; and instances of early release and amnesty were common. This book, therefore, argues that law played a distinct and multifaceted role for the Bolsheviks. Tribunals stood at the intersection between law and violence, offering various advantages to the Bolsheviks, not least strengthening state control, providing a more effective means of educating the population on counter-revolution, and enabling a more flexible approach to the state’s enemies. All of this adds to our understanding of the early Soviet state and, ultimately, of how the Bolsheviks held on to power.

On the emergence and structure of a new regional network

2001 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 249-256
Author(s):  
Helena Mäkinen
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Pharmaceutical Industry ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Spatial Proximity ◽  
Government Agencies ◽  
Research Institutions ◽  
Regional Network ◽  
Trade Associations ◽  
Chambers Of Commerce

This paper discusses the concept of a regional network as well as the empirical emergence of it in the Finnish pharmaceutical industry. A regional network is characterised by relatively stable relations between legally independent firms, which co-operate in spatial proximity. Financial, educational and research institutions are closely tied into these networks as are government agencies, trade associations, chambers of commerce and trade unions. The paper concludes that the new pharmaceutical industry in Finland has succeeded in building a growing regional network where actors work together in order to increase the value of the network. At the same time the network fosters industrial and economic development in the region.

scholarly journals Jan Sobieski’s latifundium and the soldiers (1652-1696)

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-69
Author(s):  
Magdalena Ujma
Keyword(s):  
Economic Activity ◽  
Military Service ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
Geographic Location ◽  
The State ◽  
Necessary Condition ◽  
Economic Market ◽  
The People ◽  
Actual Strength ◽  
The Military

Abstract An analysis of the relationship between Jan III Sobieski and the people he distinguished shows that there were many mutual benefits. Social promotion was more difficult if the candidate for the office did not come from a senatorial family34. It can be assumed that, especially in the case of Atanazy Walenty Miączyński, the economic activity in the Sobieski family was conducive to career development. However, the function of the plenipotentiary was not a necessary condition for this. Not all the people distinguished by Jan III Sobieski achieved the same. More important offices were entrusted primarily to Marek Matczyński. Stanisław Zygmunt Druszkiewicz’s career was definitely less brilliant. Druszkiewicz joined the group of senators thanks to Jan III, and Matczyński and Szczuka received ministerial offices only during the reign of Sobieski. Jan III certainly counted on the ability to manage a team of people acquired by his comrades-in-arms in the course of his military service. However, their other advantage was also important - good orientation in political matters and exerting an appropriate influence on the nobility. The economic basis of the magnate’s power is an issue that requires more extensive research. This issue was primarily of interest to historians dealing with latifundia in the 18th century. This was mainly due to the source material. Latifundial documentation was kept much more regularly in the 18th century than before and is well-organized. The economic activity of the magnate was related not only to the internal organization of landed estates. It cannot be separated from the military, because the goal of the magnate’s life was politics and, very often, also war. Despite its autonomy, the latifundium wasn’t isolated. Despite the existence of the decentralization process of the state, the magnate families remained in contact with the weakening center of the state and influenced changes in its social structure. The actual strength of the magnate family was determined not only by the area of land goods, but above all by their profitability, which depended on several factors: geographic location and natural conditions, the current situation on the economic market, and the management method adopted by the magnate. In the 17th century, crisis phenomena, visible in demography, agricultural and crafts production, money and trade, intensified. In these realities, attempts by Jan III Sobieski to reconstruct the lands destroyed by the war and to introduce military rigor in the management center did not bring the expected results. Sobieski, however, introduced “new people” to the group of senators, who implemented his policy at the sejmiks and the Parliament, participated in military expeditions and managed his property.

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