scholarly journals Jan Sobieski’s latifundium and the soldiers (1652-1696)

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-69
Author(s):  
Magdalena Ujma
Keyword(s):  
Economic Activity ◽  
Military Service ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
Geographic Location ◽  
The State ◽  
Necessary Condition ◽  
Economic Market ◽  
The People ◽  
Actual Strength ◽  
The Military

Abstract An analysis of the relationship between Jan III Sobieski and the people he distinguished shows that there were many mutual benefits. Social promotion was more difficult if the candidate for the office did not come from a senatorial family34. It can be assumed that, especially in the case of Atanazy Walenty Miączyński, the economic activity in the Sobieski family was conducive to career development. However, the function of the plenipotentiary was not a necessary condition for this. Not all the people distinguished by Jan III Sobieski achieved the same. More important offices were entrusted primarily to Marek Matczyński. Stanisław Zygmunt Druszkiewicz’s career was definitely less brilliant. Druszkiewicz joined the group of senators thanks to Jan III, and Matczyński and Szczuka received ministerial offices only during the reign of Sobieski. Jan III certainly counted on the ability to manage a team of people acquired by his comrades-in-arms in the course of his military service. However, their other advantage was also important - good orientation in political matters and exerting an appropriate influence on the nobility. The economic basis of the magnate’s power is an issue that requires more extensive research. This issue was primarily of interest to historians dealing with latifundia in the 18th century. This was mainly due to the source material. Latifundial documentation was kept much more regularly in the 18th century than before and is well-organized. The economic activity of the magnate was related not only to the internal organization of landed estates. It cannot be separated from the military, because the goal of the magnate’s life was politics and, very often, also war. Despite its autonomy, the latifundium wasn’t isolated. Despite the existence of the decentralization process of the state, the magnate families remained in contact with the weakening center of the state and influenced changes in its social structure. The actual strength of the magnate family was determined not only by the area of land goods, but above all by their profitability, which depended on several factors: geographic location and natural conditions, the current situation on the economic market, and the management method adopted by the magnate. In the 17th century, crisis phenomena, visible in demography, agricultural and crafts production, money and trade, intensified. In these realities, attempts by Jan III Sobieski to reconstruct the lands destroyed by the war and to introduce military rigor in the management center did not bring the expected results. Sobieski, however, introduced “new people” to the group of senators, who implemented his policy at the sejmiks and the Parliament, participated in military expeditions and managed his property.

Конница тюрко-монгольских народов Великой степи в российской армии XVIII – начала XIX в. Часть 1

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 64-97
Author(s):  
Utash B. Ochirov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Military Service ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
Previous Issue ◽  
Russian Army ◽  
Late 18Th Century ◽  
Regular Army ◽  
Traditional Structures ◽  
The Military ◽  
Military Units ◽  
Early 18Th Century

The article examines activities of Turko-Mongols to have inhabited the Great Steppe and adjacent territories in the military service of Russia throughout the 18th and early 19th centuries. The period witnessed the employment of ethnic military units of irregular cavalries Russian army recruited from the Mongolian-speaking Kalmyks and Buryats, Turkic-speaking Bashkirs, Teptyars, Mishar and Tatars. The work focuses on the largest ethnic military forces ― those of the Kalmyks and Bashkirs. Despite Russian forces were reorganized to from a regular army in the early 18th century, the latter still contained significant irregular components, including ones recruited from Turko-Mongols. Initially, the ethnic groups had served as independent military contingents with traditional structures, tactics, and weapons, but by the late 18th century all ethnic forces were clustered into Don Cossack-type regiments. In the first part of the article, published in the previous issue, the features of military service of the Kalmyks and Bashkirs in their usual habitat ― in the Great Steppe were considered. The second part of the article analyzes the actions of the Turkic-Mongol cavalry in the three largest wars of Russia in the XVIII-early XX century. XIX centuries. (The Northern, Seven-Year War, the Patriotic War of 1812 and the Foreign Campaign of 1813–1814). Rational approaches and command of the ethnic units would yield good results ― both in Eurasian plains and European battlefields. The use of ethnic forces within the Russian army not only saved essential financial and physical resources for the defense of large territories and dramatically long frontiers but also facilitated further integration of their elites into the Empire’s community.

scholarly journals RAWAKEJA AND QASIREWIJA ACCORDING TO THE TEXTS OF LINEAR B

2020 ◽  
pp. 59-63
Author(s):  
V. Pereshch
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Economic Activities ◽  
Adult Men ◽  
Local Leader ◽  
The People ◽  
The Military ◽  
Striking Parallelism ◽  
Linear B

This article examines the terms rawakeja (an organization of lawagetas) and qasirewija (an organization of basileis) based on the evidence from documents written in the Linear B script. In an analysis of the Knossos text As 1516, the author finds that these organizations are groups that include a number of men who belong to specific settlements and are headed by lawagetas and basileis, respectively. Given the striking parallelism in this text between rawakeja and qasirewija, the author concludes that these organizations were similar in nature and performed similar functions. The study determined that a basileus, as a local leader, had the people from the area he headed under his control; these people themselves, subordinating to him within this organization, had to perceive him, first of all, not as a palace representative, but as their own, local leader. Analyzing the positions of the rawakeja and qasirewija in the text As 1516, the author concludes that the lawagetas played the same role in the Knossian rawakeja as the basileis played in their local qasirewija, and performed functions similar to those performed by the basileis, albeit on the scale of a metropolitan settlement; in addition, the lawagetas apparently had to coordinate the activities of all the basileis of the state. The lack of any clear evidence pertaining to the economic activities of rawakeja and qasirewija leads the author to reject the view that the activities of these organizations were related to the economic and craft sphere. Instead, the rawakeja and qasirewija, as groups of adult men recruited on the principle of living in one settlement, and being led by specific leaders, and as those who are dependent on the state, are comparable to the detachments of rowers listed in the An 610 tablet. All this, in turn, allows the author to draw the main conclusion that rawakeja and qasirewija are groups of men recruited by the state for the purpose of involvement in the military sphere.

scholarly journals TARSYIH KEPEMIMPINAN DALAM PERSPEKTIF TAFSIR DAN UNDANG-UNDANG PEMILU NOMOR 7 TAHUN 2017

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-50
Author(s):  
Nadirsah Hawari ◽  
Rachma Octariani ◽  
Eva Rosalia ◽  
Sinta Arifka ◽  
Asep Candra
Keyword(s):  
Selection Process ◽  
The State ◽  
Public Servants ◽  
The People ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Self Interest ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Military

Abstract According to Islamic Shari'a, holding a public office is not a right for an individual, but an obligation for the State. Therefore, the government, both the regional head and all its officials, must select the most suitable and most suitable person for every government job. It should not be made of nepotism by looking at kinship, friendship, or faction from any relationship with the eligibility of someone to hold a position .The existing rulers should appoint officials from the best people (al-ashlah), the Prophet said which means "whoever holds a Muslim's business (meaning being a ruler) then he appoints someone to be an official even though he knows there are more people good for (benefit) of the Muslims, then really he has betrayed Allah and His Messenger "(Ibn Taimiyah). If the head of state or other officials do not find the right person for a certain position, in this situation they must choose the person who is more representative. Representative here means the person who is the most appropriate from the one for each government position. And also in this selection process, the head of state and other officials must know about the standards of eligibility al-quwwah (strength) and al-amanah (trust). Al-Quwwah is the ability and feasibility of a job assignment. Whereas trusteeship is a behavior that focuses on the management process regarding the position or function of a position that is in accordance with Islamic Shari'a with the intention of only devoting to Allah and not based on fear of humans and expecting their self-interest. nominating yourself is required to convey the vision and mission and the state program that will be implemented. In this case, the community or community is very necessary to obtain information on the candidate pairs who nominate themselves, and the campaign that can be used as a means of communicating politics and public education. The leaders, servants of the State, civil servants or the military, judges and so on, are essentially representations of the voices of the people they lead. The leaders are no more than public servants who must devote and dedicate their leadership to the benefit of the people. The leaders are only representatives of the fulfillment of the rights of the people, so that they are obliged to run the government properly.    Abstrak Menurut syariat islam, memegang suatu jabatan-jabatan umum bukanlah hak  bagi individu, melainkan kewajiban atasnya bagi Negara. Oleh sebab itu, pemerintah baik kepala daerah dan seluruh pejabatnya harus menyeleksi orang yang paling cocok dan paling layak bagi setiap pekerjaan pemerintahan.Tidak boleh beerbuat nepotisme dengan memandang kekerabatan, persahabatan, atau golongan dari manapun yang tidak ada hubunngannya dengan kelayakan seseorang untuk memegang suatu jabatan.Para penguasa yang telah ada hendaknya mengangkat para pejabat dari orang orang terbaik (al-ashlah), Nabi bersabda yang artinya“barang siapa memegang suatu urusan kaum muslimin (maksudnya menjadi penguasa) kemudian ia mengangkat seseorang menjadi pejabat padahal ia mengetahui ada orang yang lebih baik bagi (kemaslahatan) kaum muslimin, maka sungguh ia telah mengkhianati Allah dan Rasul-Nya” (Ibnu Taimiyah).Apabila kepala Negara atau para pejabat lainnya tidak menemukan orang yang tepat untuk suatu jabatan tertentu, dalam keadaan ini mereka harus memilih orang yang lebih representative. Representative disini memiliki arti yakni orang yang paling tepat dari yang ada untuk setiap jabatan pemerintahan. Dan juga dalam proses penyeleksian ini, kepala Negara dan pejabat lainnya harus mengetahui tentang standar kelayakan  al-quwwah (kekuatan) dan al-amanah (kepercayaan).Al-Quwwah ialah kemampuan dan kelayakan suatu tugas jabatan. Sedangkan amanah, merupakan perilaku yang dititik beratkan pada proses  pengelolaan perihal jabatan atau fungsi dari suatu jabatan yang sesuai dengan syariat islam dengan niat hanya bertaqwa kepada Allah dan bukan berdasar pada ketakutan kepada manusia dan mengharap pamrih dari mereka.Didalam pelaksanaan kampanye, pasangan calon kandidat yang mencalonkan diri diharuskan untuk menyampaikan visi dan misi serta program kenegaraan yang akan dijalankan. Dalam hal ini, umat atau khalayak masyarakat sangat perlu untuk memperoleh informasi atas pasangan calon kandidat yang mencalonkan diri tersebut, dan kampanyelah yang dapat dijadikan sebagai sarana berkomunikasi politik dan pendidikan masyarakat. Para pemimpin, abdi Negara, pegawai sipil atau militer, hakim dan lain sebagainya, pada hakikatnya merupakan representasi suara rakyat yang mereka pimpin. Para pemimpin tidaklah lebih dari pelayan masyarakat yang harus mengabdikan dan mendedikasikan kepemimpinannya untuk kemaslahatan rakyat. Para pemimpin hanyalah wakil akan pemenuh hak hak umat, sehingga mereka wajib menjalankan roda pemerintahan dengan baik.

Post-colonial state, and its political elites And its political approach, from ((1958 - 1968))

2019 ◽  
pp. 38
Author(s):  
Fawaz Hammad Mahmoud
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Colonial State ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
British Occupation ◽  
The People ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Political Approach ◽  
Dominant Parties ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

The State of Iraq was formed in 1921 and described as a product of the British occupation state. This was in line with what was planned by the occupation government in all fields of intellectual, cultural and political. This resulted in the establishment of the "King of Iraq" of Arab origins, as well as contributed groups of tribal or economic influence to contribute to the establishment of the Iraqi state, where the Iraqi society was suffering from poverty and ignorance and disease under the Ottoman Empire, and others may see that the Iraqi state, which came under the umbrella Britain, after the First World War, may not differ in terms of dealing with the Iraqi society from the Ottoman administration, and may be a continuation of, and worse, and therefore there was concern, and fear of all steps of the government, even if it was positive, and increased military intervention through coups policy The state and its apparatus to calculate the dominant parties But it turned into a preoccupation with the minds of the people, the futility or futility of such coups, which are no more than conflicts between families, parties, and perhaps people, using the violence that the military led to express in the three coups which We gave it our attention in this study, which included, after this introduction, three investigations and a conclusion.

Military Covenants and Contracts in Motion: Reservists as Transmigrants 10 Years Later

2020 ◽  
pp. 0095327X2092403
Author(s):  
Nir Gazit ◽  
Edna Lomsky-Feder ◽  
Eyal Ben Ari
Keyword(s):  
Military Service ◽  
The State ◽  
Management Model ◽  
Structural Elements ◽  
Implicit Contracts ◽  
Identity Commitment ◽  
Dynamic Dimension ◽  
The Military

This article reexamines and develops the analytical metaphor of “Reserve Soldiers as Transmigrants” in three directions. First, we advance the notion of transmigration by linking it to the explicit and implicit “contracts” or agreements struck between the military and individuals and groups within and outside of it. Second, we show that the “management” model of reserve forces is not just an administrative matter but that “negotiating” with reservists involves wider issues that include managing identity, commitment, and the meaning attached to military service. Third, we examine the institutional and political meaning of the reserves at the macro sociological level. The juxtaposition and interplay of two models—transmigration and multiple contracts—allows us to introduce structural elements into the movement of soldiers between the military and civilian society, and add a dynamic dimension to the contents of the implicit contracts that organize reservists’ relations with the state and military.

Seviri Equitum Romanorum and municipal Seviri: A Study in Pre-Military Training among the Romans

1924 ◽  
Vol 14 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 158-171 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lily Ross Taylor
Keyword(s):  
Military Service ◽  
Military Training ◽  
Young Men ◽  
The State ◽  
Preliminary Training ◽  
To Come ◽  
Circus Maximus ◽  
The Military

The pompa circensis, the solemn procession that marched to the Circus Maximus on the occasion of the ludi magni, was headed by the boys and young men of the state, those whose fathers had the census equester going on horseback and the others on foot. The object of the procession was, Dionysius says, depending on Fabius for his account, to show to strangers how numerous and powerful were the youths about to come to man's estate. The martial ceremony must have been a stirring preparation for the military service that in early times was the duty of every Roman citizen. There was further preparation for such service at Rome. Cicero tells us that in former times, for a year after the taking of the toga virilis, the young tiro was trained at Rome in exercitatio ludusque campestris. This preliminary training was restored for the young noble by Augustus who felt its importance as a preparation for the military service insisted upon for all who sought political preferment. Indeed, the old tirocinium, as Rostovtzeff has shown, seems to have been lengthened from one to two years.

scholarly journals Zapobieganie i walka z epidemiami na południowo-wschodniej granicy Rzeczypospolitej za czasów króla Stanisława Augusta Poniatowskiego

2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (1 (237)) ◽  
pp. 25-40
Author(s):  
Ewa Danowska
Keyword(s):  
18Th Century ◽  
The State ◽  
The South ◽  
South Eastern ◽  
The Times ◽  
The Military

Prevention and Struggle Against Epidemics on the South-Eastern Borderlands of the Commonwealth in the Times of Stanisław August Poniatowski Epidemics posed serious threat in the 18th century Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Their most common appearance was evidenced in the south-eastern borderlands, and they often spread towards the center of the state with the movement of merchants and the military. In order to prevent the spread of these, a special quarantine houses were established on the borders. It were mainly the borderland magnates, as well as the state territorial administration headed by the Committee of Royal Treasury, that took a lead in work towards prevention of the epidemics. In the times of Stanisław August Poniatowski the most important quarantine houses functioned in Mohylew, Bałta, Białogród, Żwaniec and Jampol.

scholarly journals Конница тюрко-монгольских народов Великой степи в российской армии XVIII – начала XIX в. Часть 2

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 10-39
Author(s):  
Utash B. Ochirov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Military Service ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
Russian Army ◽  
Late 18Th Century ◽  
Physical Resources ◽  
Regular Army ◽  
Traditional Structures ◽  
The Military ◽  
Military Units ◽  
Early 18Th Century

The article examines activities of Turko-Mongols to have inhabited the Great Steppe and adjacent territories in the military service of Russia throughout the 18th and early 19th centuries. The period witnessed the employment of ethnic military units of irregular cavalries Russian army recruited from the Mongolian-speaking Kalmyks and Buryats, Turkic-speaking Bashkirs, Teptyars, Mishar and Tatars. The work focuses on the largest ethnic military forces ― those of the Kalmyks and Bashkirs. Despite Russian forces were reorganized to from a regular army in the early 18th century, the latter still contained significant irregular components, including ones recruited from Turko-Mongols. Initially, the ethnic groups had served as independent military contingents with traditional structures, tactics, and weapons, but by the late 18th century all ethnic forces were clustered into Don Cossack-type regiments. The first part of the article deals with the features of military service of the Kalmyks and Bashkirs in their usual habitat ― in the Great Steppe. The second part of the article, which will be published in the next issue, analyzes the actions of the Turkic-Mongol cavalry in the three largest wars of Russia in the XVIII – early XIX centuries. (The Northern, Seven-Year War, the Patriotic War of 1812 and the Foreign Campaign of 1813–1814). Rational approaches and command of the ethnic units would yield good results ― both in Eurasian plains and European battlefields. The use of ethnic forces within the Russian army not only saved essential financial and physical resources for the defense of large territories and dramatically long frontiers but also facilitated further integration of their elites into the Empire’s community.

scholarly journals SODELOVANJE SLOVENSKE VOJSKE IN POLICIJE PRI NALOGAH NOTRANJE STABILNOSTI IN VARNOSTI REPUBLIKE SLOVENIJE

2020 ◽  
pp. 67-83
Author(s):  
GREGOR POTOČNIK
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Key Words ◽  
Synergistic Effects ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The State ◽  
Security System ◽  
Internal Stability ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
The People ◽  
The Military

Povzetek Grožnje nacionalni varnosti se preoblikujejo zelo hitro. Prebivalci države pričakujejo, da se bo nacionalnovarnostni sistem učinkovito in uspešno odzval na te grožnje. Izvedbeno se lahko nacionalnovarnostni sistem države odzove samo tako, da v sistem zagotavljanja nacionalne varnosti vključi vse svoje vire v upanju sinergičnih učinkov. Uporaba oboroženih sil za zagotavljanje notranje varnosti je bila izredna naloga oboroženih sil. Obramba oziroma obrambna sposobnost vojske, ki se izvaja v notranjosti države za notranjo stabilnost in varnost države ob zakonskih in primarno konceptualno določenih nalogah vojske in policije, predstavlja zakonodajni in operacionalizacijski izziv države. Ključne besede Slovenska vojska, Policija, izredna pooblastila vojske, operacionalizacija. Abstract Nowadays, threats to national security are transforming extremely rapidly. The people of a country expect the national security system to respond effectively and successfully to these threats. Implementation-wise, a country's national security system can only respond by including all its resources in the national security system hoping to achieve synergistic effects. The use of the armed forces to ensure internal security was an extraordinary task of the armed forces. The defence and the defence capacity of the military, which are in addition to the legal and primarily conceptually determined tasks of the military and the police aimed at ensuring internal stability and national security in the interior of the country, represent a legislative and operational challenge of the state. Key words Slovenian Armed Forces, Police, extraordinary powers of the army, operationalization.

scholarly journals The features of mutual relations in family and attitude to the political-legal sphere in the context of military conflict in Ukraine

HUMANITARIUM ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-115
Author(s):  
Svitlana Kravchuk ◽  
Vyacheslav Skhalanskyy
Keyword(s):  
Negative Impact ◽  
Well Being ◽  
The State ◽  
Displaced Persons ◽  
Event Scale ◽  
Military Conflict ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government ◽  
Study Participants ◽  
The Military

Presents the results of empirical study, which was attended by 246 people of different age (112 men and 134 women), which living in Donetsk, Mariupol and Kiev. We used the following methods: 2 author’s research questionnaires; Impact of Event Scale (M. Horowitz, N. Wilner). Empirically it is shown that in a situation of military conflict in Ukraine in comparison with the period before the military conflict: 1) displaced persons from the combat zone and the people currently living in Mariupol emphasize the negative impact of the situation of the military conflict in Ukraine on the well-being of their family members; 2) increased aggressiveness and proneness to conflict has been observed among the participants of the study currently living in Mariupol and among the displaced persons from the combat zone; 3) the situation of the military conflict in Ukraine has been stressful for the study participants and their families, this is especially pronounced persons from the combat zone and the people currently living in Mariupol; 4) a fairly strong and very strong degree of sleep disorders has been observed among the participants of the study currently living in Mariupol, among the displaced persons from the combat zone and among the participants residing now in Donetsk; 5) irritation and anger in connection with the event – the military conflict in Ukraine – in rather strong and very strong degree have been observed among the participants of the study currently living in Mariupol, among the displaced persons from the combat zone and among the participants residing now in Donetsk. Empirical evidence shows that the most powerful influence of the situation of the military conflict in Ukraine on relations with the immediate relatives has been observed among the displaced persons from the combat zone, in comparison with other groups of research participants. 39,84% of all study participants indicate disappointment in the state, because the state does not protect the rights of citizens. Regarding the organization of the relationship between the citizen and the state respondents think that such relationships should be based: 1) on the protection of the rights of citizens; 2) on trust, honesty; 3) on respect for the Constitution. 21,95% of all study respondents indicated a lack of confidence in the government. 10,98 % of all study respondents note that they have increased aggression to politics. 13,01 % of all study respondents indicate that there is more to discuss military and political issues. 11,38 % of all study respondents have avoided the subject of war and militarypolitical events. 17,07 % of all study respondents began to perceive military and political-legal events are more critical with less confidence.

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