Confucian Humanitarian Intervention? Toward Democratic Theory

2017 ◽  
Vol 79 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-213 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sungmoon Kim

AbstractIt is widely claimed that Mencius's account of punitive expedition can be understood as a Confucian justification of humanitarian intervention and thus has the potential to play the role of constraining China's imperial ventures abroad. This paper challenges this optimism, by drawing attention to internal and external obstacles—the problem of virtue's self-indulgence and the problem of justification to non-Confucians—that prevent Mencius's virtue-based political theory of punitive expedition from developing into a modern theory of humanitarian intervention. It argues that for the Mencian theory to be relevant in the modern world marked most notably by moral pluralism, it must be transformed into a democratic theory, at the center of which is the stipulation that humanitarian intervention be morally justified internally, that is, to the people of the intervening state, as well as externally, first to the people to be intervened state, and second to international society.

2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 37-39
Author(s):  
Amit Chaudhari ◽  
Priya Chaudhari

Abstract In modern world, to spread the confusion and panic among the people terrorist can use biological weapon. In such Bioterrorism attack health professionals plays a key role. This paper reviews the historical aspect, definition, classification of bioterrorism agents and the role of dentistry in such catastrophic event.


2005 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard K. Matthews

Professor Alan Gibson's insightful article contains much that is admirable. He is, in my view, correct in calling scholars' attention—particularly political scientists—to James Madison's often neglected views in his National Gazette essays and the foundational role of public opinion on all governments. In addition, Gibson asserts several claims hoping to establish Madison's credentials as a democratic theorist that should be of interest as well. Specifically, he seeks to accomplish four tasks: (1) “to clarify the enduring debate over the credibility of Madison's democratic credentials”; (2) to “examine Madison's role in justifying, popularizing, and understanding… public opinion”; (3) to “highlight some of Madison's neglected insights into democratic theory, especially his understanding of the problem of collective action, and thereby establish him as a prescient democratic theorist”; and (4) to argue the case that Madison “contributed to a developing tradition of political thought in America upon a broad-based conception of freedom of speech and on the belief that political truths best emerge from the full flow of ideas.”While I concur with much of Gibson's position—especially his fourth, indisputable point—I also disagree with him on at least one significant position: James Madison was not a democrat.


In the Street ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 121-150
Author(s):  
Çiğdem Çidam

This chapter demonstrates that Rancière’s journey to democratic theory started in the aftermath of May 1968 with his efforts to overcome the problematic transformation of political theory into “a theory of education.” For Rancière, unpredictability is integral to democratic politics. Thus, in an anti-Rousseauian move, he emphasizes the theatrical aspect of democratic action: taking on a role other than who they are, acting as if they are a part in a given social order in which they have no part, political actors stage their equality, disrupting the existing distribution of the sensible. Rancière’s focus on the moments of disruption, however, opens him to the charge of reducing democratic politics to immediate acts of negation. Insofar as he erases the role of intermediating practices in the stagings of equality, Rancière imposes on his accounts a kind of purity that his own work, with its emphasis on broken, polemical voices, cautions against.


1975 ◽  
Vol 68 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 305-331
Author(s):  
Seymour Byman

Most analysts acknowledge that guilt is a pervasive element in modern society. Possessed of a strong sense of impending doom through nuclear warfare, crises of ecology or overpopulation, modern man is haunted by an overriding sense of fear and guilt, wondering what quality in himself caused such an imminence of death. But surely this sense of guilt is not a creation of the modern world. Indeed guilt in the form of sin is even more comprehensible in earlier periods of history, where the culture was religiously oriented and where the wrath of a personal God could be visited upon a population in the form of plague or famine because of the sins of the people. Theories of guilt as applied to history, however, are much too sparse. One reason for this deficiency is that in order to use the psycho-historical technique, historians would be removed from the factual world and would be forced to probe the labyrinthine internal world that is illogical, devious and intangible. A few brave souls have explored the uncharted realms of the unconscious in the study of religion, both past and present. Yet, strangely enough, no one has ever focused upon guilt as an impetus in perhaps the most important aspect of religion—at least of Christian religion—the role of witness, better known as martyrdom.


Author(s):  
Alexey G. Chernyshov

This article will present some historical cases, some ancient, some very recent of how the processes of globalization, resulting in the endless subconscious movement of the people, put on the agenda not only the issues of ethnic and religious identification of a particular ethnic group, but also the impact of waves of migration on the existing local societies. For many countries, this was not just a test of strength, but also on survival, to retain their original start. Therefore, it is important to understand the role of religion in the modern world. The question is what the “substance” of this process is, how to understand the religious consciousness and how to manage it.


rahatulquloob ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 88-95
Author(s):  
Sohail Akhtar ◽  
Prof Dr Muhammad Shafique

Islam is a universal religion and it educated his followers that they all are equal as human being because no one is superior on the basis of color, creed, caste or blood. They all are the son of Adam and that’s why the standard of superiority is only based on piety. Before the dispensation of Islam the Arabs were divided in different tribes and the used their genealogical position and felt pride on it. Every tribe was famous due to tribal nobility and tribal strength considered as their political power. All the tribes used sword to solve the political disputes and wanted to set their tribal supremacy. The battle of Bassos and Fujar are famous for tribal supremacy. But Islam changed this concept and turned them into civilized nation. Islam declared that tribe is not factor of supremacy or superiority rather than identity of the people. This paper highlights the role of tribes as a factor of identity under the light of Islam and modern world especially when there is a concept of authoritarian democracy.


Author(s):  
Allyn Fives

Is parents’ power over their children legitimate? And what role do both theoretical analysis and practical judgement play when we make such normative evaluations? While this book adds to the growing literature on parents, children, families, and the State, it does so by focusing on one issue, the legitimacy of parents’ power. It also takes seriously the challenge posed by moral pluralism, and considers the role of both theoretical rationality and practical judgement in resolving moral dilemmas associated with parental power. This book makes a number of conceptual and methodological innovations. While parental power is usually conceptualised as form of paternalism, this book shows that non-paternalistic parental power can be legitimate as well. While parental power is often assumed to involve interference with children’s liberty, in fact there is a plurality of forms of parental power. And while political theorists offer general rules to resolve dilemmas arising between competing moral claims, it is demonstrated here that, in the evaluation of parental power, practical judgements are required in specific cases. A number of such cases of parental power are explored here at length, including parental licenses, children’s informed consent, and civic education. The primary intended market for this book is advanced undergraduate and postgraduate students and established academics, in particular those with an interest in practical and applied ethics, contemporary political theory, moral theory, social theory, the sociology of childhood, political sociology, social work, and social policy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 179-182
Author(s):  
DEIVASREE ANBU A ◽  
Makesh S

Media is considered as the fourth pillar of democracy and it is regarded as the mirror of the society because of its accountability towards the society. In this modern world, media is playing a major part and also a multiple role in the present scenario. Over the last few decades there was a drastic change in the life style of men and women. Globalization is also a particular reason for the change. Media has changed the existence of the people around the world. It is saidthat Men and women share equal places but it is not true. Men are found to be the dominating factor. They become the deciding authority in every aspect. It has indisputably spread its arms.There were times when the identity of a woman was confined to internal responsibilities, but in the recent years women have stepped out in order to establish their presence in each and every field. Women with their innovative ideas, filled confidence and sheer hard work, womenjournalists in media have given new dimensions to the media coverage and presentation. Both print and electronic media have made an impact on our lives.


Thesis Eleven ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 072551362110257
Author(s):  
Joseph Grim Feinberg

This paper engages with radical democratic theory in light of the so-called ‘return of the people’ taking place in contemporary political discourse. I argue that the return of the people should not be seen only as a return of politics strictly speaking, but also as a process by which elements of the social that had previously been excluded from politics enter the political sphere. Framing the problem in this way calls for a view to how politics is circumscribed, distinguished from the social but also, at various moments, broken open. At the same time, I call for paying increased attention to how the notion of the people takes shape beyond the political sphere, off the metaphorical political stage. By examining how the people is constructed in cultural and social movements, off the political stage, we can better understand the form taken by the people when it appears in politics.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 338-362 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fabio Wolkenstein

Popular sovereignty requires that citizens perceive themselves as being able to act and implement decisions, and that they are de facto causally connected to mechanisms of decision making. I argue that the two most common understandings of the exercise of popular sovereignty—which center on direct decision making by the people as a whole and the indirect exercise of democratic agency by elected representatives, respectively—are inadequate in this respect, and go on to suggest a complementary account that stresses the central role of internally democratic and participatory political parties in actualising popular sovereignty, drawing on the democratic theory of Hans Kelsen.


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