scholarly journals ENGLISH: Islamic Concept of Tribal Identity and Modern World; A Case of Pakistan

rahatulquloob ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 88-95
Author(s):  
Sohail Akhtar ◽  
Prof Dr Muhammad Shafique

Islam is a universal religion and it educated his followers that they all are equal as human being because no one is superior on the basis of color, creed, caste or blood. They all are the son of Adam and that’s why the standard of superiority is only based on piety. Before the dispensation of Islam the Arabs were divided in different tribes and the used their genealogical position and felt pride on it. Every tribe was famous due to tribal nobility and tribal strength considered as their political power. All the tribes used sword to solve the political disputes and wanted to set their tribal supremacy. The battle of Bassos and Fujar are famous for tribal supremacy. But Islam changed this concept and turned them into civilized nation. Islam declared that tribe is not factor of supremacy or superiority rather than identity of the people. This paper highlights the role of tribes as a factor of identity under the light of Islam and modern world especially when there is a concept of authoritarian democracy.

Author(s):  
Yuriy Kyrychenko ◽  
Hanna Davlyetova

The article examines the role of political parties in modern state-building processes in Ukraine. The place of political parties in the political and legal system of society is determined. The general directions of overcoming problematic situations of activity of political parties in Ukraine are offered. It is noted that political parties play an important role in the organization and exercise of political power, act as a kind of mediator between civil society and public authorities, influence the formation of public opinion and the position of citizens directly involved in elections to public authorities and local governments. It is determined that in a modern democratic society, political parties carry out their activities in the following areas: the work of representatives of political parties in public authorities and local governments; participation in elections of state authorities and local self-government bodies; promoting the formation and expression of political will of citizens, which involves promoting the formation and development of their political legal consciousness. These areas of political parties determine their role and importance in a modern democratic society, which determines the practical need to improve their activities and improve the national legislation of Ukraine in the field of political parties. Political parties are one of the basic institutions of modern society, they actively influence the ac-tivities of public authorities, economic and social processes taking place in the state and so on. It is through political parties that the people participate in the management of public affairs. Expressing the interest of different social communities, they become a link between the state and civil society. The people have the opportunity to delegate their powers to political parties, which achieves the ability of the people to control political power in several ways, which at the same time through competition of state political institutions and political parties contributes to increasing their responsibility to the people. It is noted that the political science literature has more than 200 definitions of political parties. And approaches to the definition of this term significantly depend on the general context in which this issue was studied by the researcher. It was emphasized that today in Ukraine there are important issues related to the activities of political parties. First of all, it is a significant number of registered political parties that are incapable, ie their political activity is conducted formally or not at all. According to official data from the Department of State Registration and Notary of the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine, 352 political parties are registered, of which 48 political parties do not actually function. The reason for the liquidation of such parties is not to nominate their candidates for the election of the President of Ukraine and People's Deputies of Ukraine for 10 years. According to this indicator, Ukraine ranks first among other European countries. Thus, 73 political parties are officially registered in Latvia, 38 in Lithuania, 45 in Moldova, 124 in Romania, and 56 in Slovakia. However, despite the large number of officially registered political parties in Ukraine, public confidence in their activities is low. It is concluded that political parties occupy a special place in the political and legal system of society and play an important role in the organization and exercise of political power, as well as a kind of mediator between civil society and public authorities. The general directions of overcoming problematic situations of activity of political parties in Ukraine are offered, namely: introduction of effective and impartial control over activity of political parties; creating conditions for reducing the number of political parties, encouraging their unification; establishment of effective and efficient sanctions for violation of the requirements of the current legislation of Ukraine by political parties.


Author(s):  
Luis Fernando De Carvalho Sousa

O pensamento maquiaveliano é motivo de disputas e controvérsias entre diversos pesquisadores. Esses embates, geralmente, giram em torno das interpretações de posições políticas e implicações de conceitos utilizados pelo autor. O presente artigo buscou compreender a questão do conflito na república maquiaveliana e seus atores, visando apontar o papel do povo no conflito e a função que Maquiavel lhe atribui como um dos principais agentes na manutenção em promoção da liberdade dentro do regime republicano proposto pelo filósofo. Tal elemento aparece como um dos principais agentes na manutenção e promoção do regime democrático. Nesse sentido, tornam-se elementos fundamentais para se entender as disputas políticas na república. Por meio de uma pesquisa bibliográfica o artigo buscou compreender essa relação conflituosa que se dá dentro do ambiente republicano e concluiu que embora havendo divergências em torno das disposições dentro da república o papel de solucioná-las cabe sempre às instituições.Palavras-chave: Maquiavel; Conflito; Liberdade; República; Povo.THE CONFLICT AS A PROMOTER OF FREEDOM IN THE MACHIAVELLIAN REPUBLICABSTRACTThe Machiavellian thinking is cause of disputes and controversies between several researchers. These conflicts usually revolve around the interpretation of political positions and implications of concepts used by the author. This article seeks to understand the issue of conflict in the Machiavellian republic and its actors, aiming to identify the role of the people in the conflict and the role that Machiavelli attributes to it as one of the key players in maintaining in promoting freedom within the republican regime proposed by the philosopher. This element appears as one of the key players in the maintenance and promotion of democracy. In this sense, become key elements to understand the political disputes in the republic. Through a bibliographical research the article sought to understand this conflicting relationship that takes place within the republican environment and concluded that although there are divergences around the dispositions within the republic the role of resolving them always rests with the institutions.Keywords: Machiavelli; Conflict; Freedom; Republic; People.EL CONFLICTO COMO UN PROMOTOR DE LA LIBERTAD EN LA REPÚBLICA MAQUIAVÉLIANARESUMEN El pensamiento maquiavélico es causa de conflictos y controversias entre varios investigadores. Estos conflictos por lo general giran en torno a la interpretación de las posiciones políticas e implicaciones de los conceptos utilizados por el autor. En este artículo se busca entender el tema del conflicto en la república maquiavélica y sus actores, con el objetivo de identificar el papel del pueblo en los conflictos y el papel que Maquiavelo atribuye a él como uno de los jugadores clave en el mantenimiento en la promoción de la libertad dentro del régimen republicano propuesto por el filósofo. Este elemento aparece como uno de los jugadores clave en el mantenimiento y promoción de la democracia. En este sentido, se convierten en elementos clave para entender los conflictos políticos en la república. A través de un artículo de revisión de la literatura tuvo como objetivo comprender esta relación de confrontación que tiene lugar dentro del entorno republicano y concluyó que, aunque existe desacuerdo sobre las disposiciones en función de la república para resolverlos siempre recae en las instituciones.Palabras clave: Maquiavelo; El Conflicto; La Libertad; La República; Pueblo.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
abdul muiz amir

This study aims to find a power relation as a discourse played by the clerics as the Prophet's heir in the contestation of political event in the (the elections) of 2019 in Indonesia. The method used is qualitative based on the critical teory paradigm. Data gathered through literary studies were later analyzed based on Michel Foucault's genealogy-structuralism based on historical archival data. The findings show that, (1) The involvement of scholars in the Pemilu-Pilpres 2019 was triggered by a religious issue that has been through online social media against the anti-Islamic political system, pro communism and liberalism. Consequently create two strongholds from the scholars, namely the pro stronghold of the issue pioneered by the GNPF-Ulama, and the fortress that dismissed the issue as part of the political intrigue pioneered by Ormas NU; (2) genealogically the role of scholars from time to time underwent transformation. At first the Ulama played his role as well as Umara, then shifted also agent of control to bring the dynamization between the issue of religion and state, to transform into motivator and mediator in the face of various issues Practical politic event, especially at Pemilu-Pilpres 2019. Discussion of the role of Ulama in the end resulted in a reduction of the role of Ulama as the heir of the prophet, from the agent Uswatun Hasanah and Rahmatan lil-' ālamīn as a people, now shifted into an agent that can trigger the division of the people.


2013 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hou Yuxin

Abstract The Wukan Incident attracted extensive attention both in China and around the world, and has been interpreted from many different perspectives. In both the media and academia, the focus has very much been on the temporal level of the Incident. The political and legal dimensions, as well as the implications of the Incident in terms of human rights have all been pored over. However, what all of these discussions have overlooked is the role played by religious force during the Incident. The village of Wukan has a history of over four hundred years, and is deeply influenced by the religious beliefs of its people. Within both the system of religious beliefs and in everyday life in the village, the divine immortal Zhenxiu Xianweng and the religious rite of casting shengbei have a powerful influence. In times of peace, Xianweng and casting shengbei work to bestow good fortune, wealth and longevity on both the village itself, and the individuals who live there. During the Wukan Incident, they had a harmonizing influence, and helped to unify and protect the people. Looking at the specific roles played by religion throughout the Wukan Incident will not only enable us to develop a more meaningful understanding of the cultural nature and the complexity of the Incident itself, it will also enrich our understanding, on a divine level, of innovations in social management.


2021 ◽  
pp. 186810342110278
Author(s):  
Inaya Rakhmani ◽  
Muninggar Sri Saraswati

All around the globe, populism has become increasingly prominent in democratic societies in the developed and developing world. Scholars have attributed this rise at a response to the systematic reproduction of social inequalities entwined with processes of neoliberal globalisation, within which all countries are inextricably and dynamically linked. However, to theorise populism properly, we must look at its manifestations in countries other than the West. By taking the case of Indonesia, the third largest democracy and the largest economy in Southeast Asia, this article critically analyses the role of the political campaign industry in mobilising narratives in electoral discourses. We use the Gramscian notion of consent and coercion, in which the shaping of populist narratives relies on mechanisms of persuasion using mass and social media. Such mechanisms allow the transformation of political discourses in conjunction with oligarchic power struggle. Within this struggle, political campaigners narrate the persona of political elites, while cyber armies divide and polarise, to manufacture allegiance and agitation among the majority of young voters as part of a shifting social base. As such, we argue that, together, the narratives – through engineering consent and coercion – construct authoritarian populism that pits two crowds of “the people” against each other, while aligning them with different sections of the “elite.”


2008 ◽  
Vol 87 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-257 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID CORNELL

In 1314 the English-held castles of Roxburgh, Edinburgh and Stirling were seized and destroyed by Robert Bruce. This was the pinnacle of a policy by which Bruce systematically slighted the castles he seized in Scotland. The reign of Edward II has been seen as a period in which the military value of the castle was in decline and by analysing the role the castle played in the campaigns of Bruce it is possible to assess the importance a successful contemporary commander attached to the castle during this period. Bruce had first-hand experience of the castle at war and knew of its limitations. In 1306, however, he seized and garrisoned a number of castles preparing to use them for a specific purpose, but defeat in the field rendered them redundant. On his return in 1307 Bruce initiated a policy of destruction. Castles in the north of Scotland were slighted as they were the regional focus of the political power of his Scottish enemies, and militarily they were of little value to Bruce. In the Lowlands the first-rate castles of Scotland were destroyed precisely because they were so militarily powerful. Bruce recognised that these castles, used aggressively, were indispensable to the English war effort, and consequently he undertook a prolonged and expensive campaign to reduce them, a campaign which involved the tactic of both surprise assault and, more importantly, the set-piece siege. In 1314 the imminent English campaign led Bruce to launch an unprecedented offensive against the English-held castles of Roxburgh, Edinburgh and Stirling. These castles were subsequently slighted despite their inextricable association with the Scottish Crown. Bruce recognised that, unlike the English, he did not need to occupy castles in Scotland to fight the war. Although in Ireland a small number of castles were occupied, and Berwick was also garrisoned by Scottish troops, in northern England Bruce did not attempt to occupy English castles. Those which were seized were destroyed, an indication that Bruce never intended a conquest of Northumberland. Indeed Bruce never undertook a serious campaign aimed at the seizure of the first-rate castles of Northumberland despite their frequently perilous state. Instead he sought to gain political capital by threatening their loss and so placing enormous pressure on the English Crown. That the castle featured prominently in the campaigns of Bruce demonstrates it was not in decline. Bruce understood the continued military and political value of the castle, but he was able to exploit its inherent vulnerabilities in order to gain victory in war.


2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 37-39
Author(s):  
Amit Chaudhari ◽  
Priya Chaudhari

Abstract In modern world, to spread the confusion and panic among the people terrorist can use biological weapon. In such Bioterrorism attack health professionals plays a key role. This paper reviews the historical aspect, definition, classification of bioterrorism agents and the role of dentistry in such catastrophic event.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-151
Author(s):  
Risma Widiawati

Bone Regency as part of South Sulawesi is a very interesting area to discuss. This area is not only part of the history of South Sulawesi, but also a historical flow of South Sulawesi. the existence of nobles who are so attached to the joints of the lives of the people of Bone is still interesting to be examined to this day. Based on this, the article aims to reveal the role of Bone nobility in the swapraja government system to the regency (1950 - 1960). The political development of the government during this period was seen as sufficiently influencing the political dynamics of the government in Bone Regency which continued even today. The method used is the method of historical research with four stages, namely, heuristics, criticism (history), interpretation, and presentation (historiography). The results of the study show that after the transition from swapraja to regency, the role of nobility is still very calculated. But it is no longer like in the period before the transition, where the government was ruled by the king / aristocracy. At this time the level of intelligence is also taken into account. Apart from the fact that the structure of the government is indeed different because the process of appointing head of government is also different. But in general the role of nobility after the transition was not much different, where there were still many nobles holding power. ABSTRAK Kabupaten Bone sebagai bahagian dari Sulawesi Selatan merupakan suatu daerah yang sangat menarik untuk dibicarakan. Daerah ini bukan saja merupakan bagian dari sejarah Sulawesi Selatan, tetapi juga merupakan arus sejarah Sulawesi Selatan. keberadaan bangsawan yang begitu melekat di dalam sendi kehidupan masyarakat Bone masih menarik untuk ditelisik sampai hari ini. Berdasarkan hal tersebut, maka artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengungkapkan tentang peranan bangsawan Bone dalam sistem pemerintahan swapraja ke kabupaten (1950 – 1960). Perkembangan politik dari pemerintahan selama periode ini dipandang cukup mempengaruhi dinamika politik dari pemerintahan di Kabupaten Bone yang berlangsung bahkan sampai sekarang. Metode yang digunakan adalah adalah metode penelitian sejarah dengan empat tahapan yaitu, heuristik, kritik (sejarah), intrepretasi, dan penyajian (historiografi). Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa setelah peralihan dari swapraja ke kabupaten, peranan bangsawan masih sangat diperhitungkan. Namun tidak lagi seperti pada masa sebelum peralihan, di mana pemerintahan dikuasai oleh raja/aristokrasi. Pada masa ini tingkat kecerdasan juga diperhitungkan. Selain karena struktur pemerintahannya memang berbeda juga karena proses pengangkatan kepala pemerintahan juga berbeda. Namun secara umum peran bangsawan setelah masa peralihan tidak jauh berbeda, di mana masih banyak bangsawan yang memegang kekuasaan.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-36
Author(s):  
Ridwan - Mubarok

For every Muslim, the role of civilization is identical to authentic mission as a leader as a leader in this earth, whose role is greater than leading a province or country. The participation of ulama, dai or da'wah movements in the political sphere is his right, but the missionary movement or organization must also be aware of and be aware of people or persons who want to manipulate da'wah as a vehicle for world politics. Da'wah movements or dai must be able to use various life instruments that exist today for the sake of da'wah. Ulama and the da'i who join in the organization movement or da'wah movement, must realize that they are part of the chain of struggle of the people. Now is the time for da'i or ulama to proclaim themselves from the past fetters that castrated the political life of the scholars.Bagi setiap muslim, peran peradaban identik dengan misi otentik sebagai pemimpin sebagai pemimpin dimuka bumi ini, yang perannya lebih besar dibandingkan memimpin sebuah provinsi atau negara. Keikutsertaan para ulama, dai atau gerakan dakwah dalam ranah politik merupakan haknya, akan tetapi gerakan atau organisasi dakwah juga harus menyadari serta mewaspadai terhadap orang atau oknum yang hendak memperalat dakwah sebagai kendaraan politik dunia. Gerakan dakwah ataupun para dai harus dapat menggunakan berbagai instrument kehidupan yang ada saat ini untuk kepentingan dakwah. Ulama maupun para da’i yang bergabung dalam gerakan organisasi atau gerakan dakwah, harus menyadari bahwasanya dirinya merupakan bagian dari mata rantai perjuangan umat. Kini sudah saatnya para da’i ataupun ulama dapat memproklamirkan diri dari belenggu masa lalu yang mengebiri kehidupan politik para ulama, PPP menjadi salah satu alternatif.


2009 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan K. Ocko ◽  
David Gilmartin

This paper uses the concept of the “rule of law” to compare Qing China and British India. Rather than using the rule of law instrumentally, the paper embeds it in the histories of state power and sovereignty in China and India. Three themes, all framed by the rule of law and the rule of man as oppositional yet paradoxically intertwined notions, organize the paper's comparisons: the role of a discourse of law in simultaneously legitimizing and constraining the political authority of the state; the role of law and legal procedures in shaping and defining society; and the role of law in defining an economic and social order based on contract, property, and rights. A fourth section considers the implications of these findings for the historical trajectories of China and India in the twentieth century. Taking law as an instrument of power and an imagined realm that nonetheless also transcended power and operated outside its ambit, the paper seeks to broaden the history of the “rule of law” beyond Euro-America.


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