The Fundamentals of Nigerian Foreign Policy

1981 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 46-50
Author(s):  
John S. Stremlau

Throughout nearly twenty years of often tumultuous post-colonial history, Nigerian foreign policy has been surprisingly consistent. It may be too early to judge the capabilities and determination of the new civilian government of Alhaji Shehu Shagari, but if the past is any guide, the basic concerns of Nigerian foreign policy are not likely to change.Future decisions will probably continue to reflect the pursuit of three vital and interrelated domestic objectives: to build greater national unity by overcoming deep regional, ethnic, and religious differences; to achieve rapid economic development for a nation that, despite great oil wealth, has a per-capita income of less than $400; and to complete the process of full self-determination which has yet to encompass all sectors of the modern economy. Among the three, the quest for national integration has been of paramount concern.

2020 ◽  
Vol 9.1 (85.1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alina Golovina ◽  

The article considers the initial period of the creative path of the Ukrainian poet, writer, publicist, historian Yevhen Malanyuk during his stay in the camps of interned soldiers of the UPR Army on the territory of Poland. Ye. Malanyuk's work during the period of Polish internment, of course, became the basis not only of the artist's authorial style, but also determined the main thematic direction of his creative activity. The artist's journalistic work is analyzed on the pages of journal “Veselka” (Kalish, 1922-1923) and focuses on the genre palette of the author's journalistic work. The main features of the use of genres in the journalism of Yevhen Malanyuk of this period are highlighted, the features of the author's handwriting and methods of communication with the audience are traced. An attempt was made to systematize the artist's periodicals, which was published in the journal “Veselka” by genre specificity and analyzed the application of methods in the selected genre. The study found, that Yevhen Malanyuk used a rather limited number of genres in the materials published on the pages of journal “Veselka”. The study highlighted: article, review, essay as the main genres used by the artist when writing his works on the pages of journal “Veselka”. It was also determined that in his work Yevhen Malanyuk did not adhere to a certain stereotypical perception of the genre as a permanent form of writing and used a combination of different genres through their diffuse nature. The article analyzed that Yevhen Malanyuk in his various genres of journalism raised a large number of nationally affirmative issues, formulated a theoretical platform of Ukrainian culture in the coordinates of the world cultural space. The author drew to witness the past of a nation that for centuries had fought desperately for survival and was ruthlessly Russified. Given the present, we can say that these problems occur in modern society, because the reform of general morality and consciousness is gradual, and with it self-determination develops in view of the views and preferences of man. And the works of Yevhen Malanyuk are a treasure trove of national unity and cultural and ideological determination of Ukrainians in the motives and means of introducing ethnic culture into the life of modern Ukrainians.


2018 ◽  
pp. 139-168
Author(s):  
Oleksandr Bozhko

The article describes the reminiscences of Oleksnadr Bozhko, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Ukraine to Armenia. Having arrived to Yerevan as the first Ambassador of independent Ukraine, the author became a witness to the events that initially led to a long-lasting political crisis, and subsequently to the unconstitutional change of Armenian government. The article analyses the tumultuous events that Ukrainian Embassy faced immediately after its opening in September 1996. At that time, the Armenian society, which for years had been patiently overcoming numerous abuses of power, the arbitrariness of oligarchs, bureaucratic corruption and bribery at courts, broke out with a riot of peaceful disobedience. It was the time when the reminiscences of the fierce Armenian-Azerbaijani War for Nagorno-Karabakh of 1991–1994 were still in minds of people when society had been drawn into an exhaustible internal political confrontation on the eve of the presidential elections. The more electoral confrontation grew, the more dissatisfying was the population with the leadership of the state. Eventually the state of emergency was introduced in the country. These factors affected further activities of Ukrainian diplomats. It was important to quickly find premises suitable for a diplomatic mission and to carry out the diplomatic procedures necessary for the launch of Embassy’s activities. The author states with sorrow that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Armenia did not even find money to fuel a car and bring Ukrainian delegation to Yerevan. Shattered roads that have long been unrepaired, queues near bakeries and kerosene selling points, semi-empty store shelves and even faded eyes of those, with whom the author communicated, – those were sad realities of the Armenian life in the mid-nineties. The formation of the diplomatic services in both countries was carried out under difficult conditions, likewise the maintenance of diplomats’ activity in Ukraine was similarly poor then. The article also describes that the stumbling point in Ukrainian-Armenian relations was an issue of Nagorno-Karabakh. The principle of territorial integrity was one of the fundamental in security sphere of Ukraine, whereas Armenia, which acted as guarantor of Nagorno-Karabakh security, adhered to the principle of self-determination of the nation. In this respect, Armenian politicians considered everything related to the Nagorno-Karabakh issue. This dramatic problem was originated from 1921, when Nagorno-Karabakh was included to the Azerbaijani SSR. The policy of displacing the Armenians from their ancestral lands, which was deliberately carried out by the authorities of Soviet Azerbaijan, caused frustration of Armenians, dozens of thousands of whom had lived in that territory for centuries. The author analyses the cooperation with the Directorate for Political Analysis and Planning of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine regarding the defining Ukraine’s possible position in the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict. The author emphasizes that the article is not just a diplomatic memoirs but also an attempt to comprehend what has happened to us over the past two decades, looking back at the past experience. Keywords: Armenia, Embassy of Ukraine, Nagorno-Karabakh, Ukrainian-Armenian relations.


Author(s):  
Nurgissa KUSHEROV

The article highlights the problems of deep intergenerational transformation in the civil service of the Republic of Kazakhstan over the past decade, offers a new approach to public administration in accordance with the theory of generations, formulating solutions based on the value of each generation. At the same time, frequent staff turnover, self-determination of civil servants, efficiency of civil service and other issues are analyzed in accordance with the concepts of the theory of generations. The article developed empirical recommendations that will serve as the basis for improving some functions of the civil service.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 334-358
Author(s):  
Mohammad SHAHABUDDIN

AbstractThe development of post-colonial states through the operation of the uti possidetis principle in international law is intrinsically connected to the suppression of ethnic minorities and the ensuing humanitarian catastrophes in these states. With the continuation of colonial boundaries in post-colonial states due to the uti possidetis principle, international law facilitates many of these catastrophes. Accordingly, through exploring the questionable legal status of the uti possidetis principle and the fallacy of its conflict-preventing potential, I argue that uti possidetis itself is a key problem. The continuation of arbitrarily drawn colonial boundaries undermines the legitimate right to self-determination of numerous ethnic minorities. This paper specifically explores the application of uti possidetis to Myanmar and how it contributed to the Rohingya crisis. In the process, the paper also highlights the inherent relationship between colonialism and international law and how it has shaped the development of post-colonial states.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-127
Author(s):  
Francisco Pereira Coutinho

Western Sahara self-determination posits a conundrum to Portuguese foreign policy. Moral and legal imperatives which stem from the relentless efforts taken in the 80’s and the 90’s advocating in international fora the self-determination of East Timor impel the pursuit of an idealistic diplomacy of unconditional support for the akin self-determination of Western Sahara. Political, strategic, economic, historical and cultural ties dictate a realpolitik aimed at fostering diplomatic relations with Morocco without shunning Algeria, another key stakeholder in the Maghreb region. These constraints motivated the adoption of an impartial and equidistant position towards the Western Sahara conflict. This strategy was exposed after the Court of Justice ceased in Front Polisario, the de facto application of the EU/Morocco agreements in Western Sahara. Notwithstanding multiple pledges to the contrary, the Portuguese Government picked Morocco’s side in the conflict by lodging written interventions aimed at neutralizing the Court of Justice of the EU, and by approving Council decisions that expressly extend EU/Morocco agreements to Western Sahara in breach of EU and international law.


2021 ◽  
pp. 002193472110675
Author(s):  
Brittany Lee Lewis ◽  
ArCasia D. James-Gallaway

This essay suggests examining “ordinary,” segregated Black schools from the past helps explain persistent issues in Black education at present. To demonstrate this point, the essay focuses on the shortcomings of philanthropy in education from the 1920s to the present day in Wilmington, Delaware. It asserts for Black education to thrive, a combination of adequate resources and Black control over those resources is necessary. Utilizing School No. 5, a school heretofore undocumented in scholarship, as one specific case, the authors show how this elementary school was initially overlooked by white philanthropy, only to be pervaded with it decades later. Centrally, the authors argue in both instances, whites’ actions, either by oversight or interference, hindered the holistic quality of Black children’s education; these persistent impediments to Black education, however, transpired alongside the valiant efforts and self-determination of Black educators and Wilmington’s Black community.


1918 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-191
Author(s):  
Simon Litman

From tyrannical autocracy to a most radically socialistic régime, from an empire oppressing subjugated peoples to a country proclaiming the principle of “self-determination of nationalities”—such has been the remarkable record of Russia during the past year. These changes, which have come to many as a surprise, were to those acquainted with the ferment permeating Russian life but the logical outcome of Russia's historic development.In order to be able to interpret the trend of recent events there, events which since the overthrow of Tsarism have been moving with such bewildering rapidity, it is necessary to know what have been the forces that have shaped the life of the country. Russian evolution has come through periods of subjugation, through century long struggles for self-assertion against invaders, through many internal uprisings and through successful wars of expansion. Beginning as a small principality in the interior of a plain, Russia spread to the north and to the south, to the west and to the east until she became a world empire, in area the greatest compact country on the face of the earth, occupying 8,505,000 square miles, or larger in size than all of North America, and having a population of over 175,000,000 people.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-190 ◽  
Author(s):  
HAKEEM O YUSUF ◽  
TANZIL CHOWDHURY

Abstract:This article argues that despite the UK Government’s exaltations of self-determination of its Overseas Territories, provisions of colonial governance persist in their constitutions. Further, it posits that such illustrations begin to answer the broader question of whether British Overseas Territories (BOTs) are modern day colonies. Such claims are not without merit given that 10 out of the 14 BOTS are still considered Non-Self-Governing Territories by the United Nations and have remained the target of decolonisation efforts. Drawing insights from post-colonial legal theory, this article develops the idea of the persistence of colonial constitutionalism to interrogate whether structural continuities exist in the governance of the UK’s British Overseas Territories. The analysis begins to unravel the fraught tensions between constitutional provisions that advance greater self-determination and constitutional provisions that maintain the persistence of colonial governance. Ultimately, the post-colonial approach foregrounds a thoroughgoing analysis on whether BOTs are colonies and how such an exegesis would require particular nuance that is largely missing in current institutional and non-institutional articulations of, as well as representations on, the issue.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 190-204
Author(s):  
Ana Țăranu ◽  

Starting from Hirsch and Smith’s concept of a feminist counterhistory and referencing the theoretical framework of cultural trauma, this paper undertakes a (re)reading of Zora Neale Hurston’s Their Eyes Were Watching God as construction of gendered countermemory. Such an interpretation would enable a recognition of the political function of the novel as an identity matrix of African-American womanhood. Expanding upon the classical, post-Lacanian approach to trauma studies and its post-colonial reconfigurations, I use a poststructuralist framing of collective trauma, and the Saussurian concept of signification, to highlight the struggle for self-determination of an oppressed community as it is signified-upon by its oppressors through violently imposed discourse. I further question the complicity between conventional forms of narration and the hegemony of an external signifier, and I trace this patterned mechanism of aggression within the linguistic and diegetic fabric of the novel, in order to expose Hurston’s literary methodology of collective memorialization and the way it challenges canonical representations of trauma.


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