Paternalism and Social Policy

1978 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
Albert Weale

ABSTRACTThis paper discusses the notion of paternalism, and its application to the evaluation of social policies. It attempts first to define the concept, using Mill's distinction between self- and other-regarding actions. A paternalistic policy is one in which the government renders a self-regarding action less eligible for a citizen, with the intention of benefiting the citizen in question. This concept is then applied to the analysis of redistribution by means of social policy measures. Two questions are discussed: (a) whether any redistribution must be paternalist, and (b) whether redistribution in kind is more paternalist than redistribution in cash. It is argued that paternalism need not be the explanation for the policy in either case. Finally three criteria are specified in terms of which paternalistic interventions by the state might be assessed as justified or not.

2020 ◽  
Vol 2019 (4) ◽  
pp. 277-294
Author(s):  
Yong Huang

AbstractIt has been widely observed that virtue ethics, regarded as an ethics of the ancient, in contrast to deontology and consequentialism, seen as an ethics of the modern (Larmore 1996: 19–23), is experiencing an impressive revival and is becoming a strong rival to utilitarianism and deontology in the English-speaking world in the last a few decades. Despite this, it has been perceived as having an obvious weakness in comparison with its two major rivals. While both utilitarianism and deontology can at the same time serve as an ethical theory, providing guidance for individual persons and a political philosophy, offering ways to structure social institutions, virtue ethics, as it is concerned with character traits of individual persons, seems to be ill-equipped to be politically useful. In recent years, some attempts have been made to develop the so-called virtue politics, but most of them, including my own (see Huang 2014: Chapter 5), are limited to arguing for the perfectionist view that the state has the obligation to do things to help its members develop their virtues, and so the focus is still on the character traits of individual persons. However important those attempts are, such a notion of virtue politics is clearly too narrow, unless one thinks that the only job the state is supposed to do is to cultivate its people’s virtues. Yet obviously the government has many other jobs to do such as making laws and social policies, many if not most of which are not for the purpose of making people virtuous. The question is then in what sense such laws and social policies are moral in general and just in particular. Utilitarianism and deontology have their ready answers in the light of utility or moral principles respectively. Can virtue ethics provide its own answer? This paper attempts to argue for an affirmative answer to this question from the Confucian point of view, as represented by Mencius. It does so with a focus on the virtue of justice, as it is a central concept in both virtue ethics and political philosophy.


Author(s):  
Svitlana Fimyar ◽  
Olga Shilvinska

Economic transformations of the country due to the development of market relations lead to appropriate changes in the field of social policy, the development of appropriate mechanisms of social protection, based on the principles of self-regulation and mutual support. The scale of economic growth is largely determined by the level of motivation of the behavior of economic entities both in increasing their own financial results and the general economic effect of creating a social product. In this aspect, the social policy of the state becomes a powerful factor in economic growth, with the greatest effect is given by the use of such forms of incentives that realize the public interests of all economic entities, which are not homogeneous in nature. The implementation of these priorities should be aimed at solving major socio-economic problems in order to prevent conflicts and promote sustainable development at the level of enterprises, regions, the country as a whole, so the problem of harmonizing the interests of all economic entities can be identified as a priority. The urgency of this problem is due to the need to increase the level of social protection of the population, which is achieved through the effective implementation of social policy and improving the mechanisms for its implementation from the standpoint of harmonization of interests of all economic entities. It is proved that to form a low-conflict model in which each entity has a clearly defined mechanism for meeting their own needs through the interests of partners, possibly by expanding the scope of market methods of self-regulation in combination with government leverage to influence economic behavior. To implement a more effective social policy, the government proposed a mechanism for expanding and harmonizing the socio-economic interests of the state, business and employees, which summarizes the result of the synthesis of natural and artificial responsibilities for various actors in social policy and social partnership. The proposed mechanism is able to neutralize the problems associated with low wages in the real sector of the economy, poverty and inefficient use of GDP, ensure the transparency of this process, and create a powerful motivational environment for workers and employers.


2020 ◽  
pp. 83-98
Author(s):  
Deyou Xu

Over the past four decades, the economy and society of China and Russia have undergone transformation. Relevant social policies and business environments have constantly changed. So have the ways of interaction among governments, enterprises and citizens. In the relationship between government and citizen, China and Russia have walked different paths in choosing and adjusting social policies, but both have steadily improved people’s well-being. In the relationship between government and business, both countries have achieved significant improvements in business environment through supply-side reforms of public goods and institutions. The theoretical relationship between government and citizen and that between government and business are embodied in social policy and business environment in reality. However, the two are not parallel, but interact with each other and are nested in each other. The government plays a leading role, and its interaction with enterprise and citizen tests the governance systems and capabilities of Beijing and Moscow.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-96
Author(s):  
Kevin Farnsworth

This article is an attempt to take stock and critically reflect on the UK’s decade of austerity and social policy hostility over the past decade. It distinguishes between economic and political austerity and digs deeper into the data on expenditure in order to examine the impact of austerity on British public expenditure and politics. It argues that the decade of austerity was a hostile one for British social policy which not only undermined the financial base of key parts of the welfare state, it reshaped it and redefined its priorities, setting in train a series of subsequent events that would further change, not just British social policies, but British economics, polity and politics. And, as subsequent crises – notably Brexit and the Covid-19 pandemic – testify, crisis events tend to be linked, and each one shapes and influences the ability of the state to respond to the next.


Author(s):  
M. V. Ryazantseva ◽  
A. O. Subocheva ◽  
E. S. Yakushova

In this study, we interviewed 295 undergraduate students of the Financial University under the Government of the Russian Federation They were asked to express their opinion on the nature and content of a healthy lifestyle and determine the changes in their health and lifestyle during a pandemic The main results of the research include the following conclusions: frstly, there is no clear understanding of the essence and content of the concept of a healthy lifestyle among students; secondly, students are generally satisfed with the state of their health (physical and psychoemotional), but at the same time they realise that they do not care enough about it; thirdly, the negative impact of the pandemic on the lifestyle of students was expressed in an increase in the number of meals, an increase in the frequency of smoking and consumption of alcohol Using this information, the authors developed several recommendations to improve the University’s social policy in the feld of a healthy lifestyle, according to international experience.


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 108-119
Author(s):  
Mikhail Kleymenov ◽  
Alexey Kondrat’ev ◽  
Ekaterina Sabol

Introduction. It is an axiom that crime prevention should be the main focus of the fight against crime. Its ideological basis was laid by the ancient Greek philosophers Socrates, Platon and Aristotle, who persistently asserted the idea of justice as the fundamental philosophical basis of a reasonable – “good” – state. Purpose. The goal is to analyze the development of the doctrine of crime prevention in the historical context and its practical implementation. Methodology. The authors used a comparative historical method, that allows you to identify the stages and patterns in the development of the theory of crime prevention, as well as in the policy of crime prevention. Results. The foundations of the theory of crime prevention were formed by ancient Greek and Roman thinkers, whose creations were characterized by clarity of thought and the desire to learn the ontological foundations of the state and law. A notable contribution to the development of this theory was made by utopian socialists, classics of the Enlightenment and their followers. It was then that the main idea of prevention was formulated, that it is better to prevent crime than to punish, and that a good legislator will try not so much to punish as to improve morals. The most active theory of crime prevention developed in the USSR. In practical terms, the idea of crime prevention was first embodied in Ancient Rome – in the Laws of the XII century, which become public and thus acquire a preventive value. However, in a full-fledged embodiment, the foundations of criminological legislation are most clearly formed in Imperial Russia. A unique normative legal act in this regard should be recognized as the “Code on the prevention and suppression of crimes”, adopted in 1832, which contains a number of provisions that have a modern preventive sound. The apogee of preventive activities should be recognized as the experience of the internal Affairs bodies of the USSR in the 1960s-1970s. High efficiency of such activities was provided by a strong social policy, full support from the authorities at all levels, qualified implementation of criminological research, active participation of the population in crime prevention. In relation to crimes, the state and citizens have formed a solid position – we must fight crime together and this is our common task. Conclusion. In the modern truncated-recreated form, crime prevention imitates activities in this direction rather than being able to actually be the main direction of the fight against crime. This is due to at least three significant circumstances: 1) the loss of the importance of social policy as the basis for General crime prevention; 2) a catastrophic stratified gap in the population's income, which undermines the credibility of the government, its declarations and appeals; 3) changing the nature, properties and parameters of crime, which requires a conceptually new preventive response to it.


Author(s):  
Марина Іванівна Тімофєєва

At the current dynamic stage of social countries’ development, in line with the chosen social policy, the state acts as the main but not the only institution which must create favourable environment for building an effective, mindful and friendly social climate in the country to ensure safe and decent standard of living for all citizens and to provide full social coverage that has to be in tune with contemporary intensive development trends. Despite the level of economic growth indicators, in each country there are always segments of the population who long for considerable attention and should be protected by both society and the government. As evidenced by reliable best practice in developed countries, the government should place greater focus on protecting vulnerable populations, and this priority direction has to guide the state social policy. The paper discusses the most burning issues in social protection funding, since the societal needs in terms of social protection are increasing, while the living standards of population have dropped dramatically lately. Apparently, major social maintenance categories have been analyzed along with reviewing a range of state-guaranteed social security and social protection services. A special emphasis is made on a specific category of vulnerable Ukrainian citizens, i.e. forced internally displaced persons (being officially recognized since 2016). In addition, the components of social protection policy and types of social maintenance as well as the features of social insurance have been explored.


2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 445
Author(s):  
Maria del Carmen Cortizo

Resumo: O presente trabalho discorre sobre que a possibilidade de construir políticas sociais dentro de um processo que objetive a radicalidade democrática que pode ser garantida através de processos participativos, mas necessariamente também representativos. Partindo da concepção gramsciana que concebe a democracia como parte da luta hegemônica, considera que as políticas sociais podem ser arena de disputa entre projetos societários (projeto neoliberal e projeto democrático-participativo) e que essa disputa deve acontecer no espaço “participativo” e no espaço “representativo” do Estado e da sociedade civil. Democracia e participação são termos de uma unidade orgânica que se realiza no processo de luta pela hegemonia.Palavras-chave: Democracia, participação, políticas sociais.DEMOCRACY, SOCIAL POLICY AND HEGEMONIC STRUGGLEAbstract: This paper reports about the possibility of building social policies within a process that aims the democratic radicality that can be ensured through participatory processes, but also necessarily representative. Starting from the Gramscian conception that conceives democracy as part of the hegemonic struggle, considers that social policies can be the arena of contest between corporate projects (neoliberal project and democratic participatory project) and that this dispute should happen in “participatory” space and “representative” space of the State and civil society. Democracy and participation are terms of an organic unity that takes place in the struggle for hegemony.Key words: Democracy, participation, social policies.


2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Søren Flinch Midtgaard

AbstractPeople’s lifestyles or their health choices importantly affect their general health. Furthermore, there is a social gradient in these choices such that people in relatively disadvantaged social positions tend to make worse choices with regard to their health than people in more advantaged positions. The consequence is deep inequalities in health. The state, to the extent it is part of its role to prevent harm and to reduce inequality, appears obliged to try to influence people’s health choices in the interest of their own health and general well-being. However, the state acting to prevent people from harming themselves is notoriously controversial, at least to liberals. It amounts to paternalism – something liberals have traditionally been loath to accept. Furthermore, the equality-generating credential of the available policy measures is in some cases doubtful. To assess the problem of paternalism in relation to government efforts to change lifestyles, partly with the aim of reducing inequalities in health, we need a clear notion of paternalism. The latter may, roughly, be seen as follows: A acts paternalistically in relation to B, if, and only if, (a) A restricts B’s liberty; (b) A does so against B’s will; (c) A does so in B’s interest; (d) A’s behavior cannot be justified without counting its beneficial effects to B in its favor. According to this conception, when the government informs citizens of the danger involved in certain types of health-related conduct, it is not acting paternalistically. However, campaigns may in fact increase rather than decrease inequality of health (because the worse off are less responsive to such measures than the better off). Nudging, on the other hand, stands a better chance of reducing inequality in health. However, nudging policies are less uncontroversial in terms of the problem of paternalism than their proponents are inclined to think. More familiar measures aiming to make the health-endangering behavior more expensive and/or difficult or outright prohibiting it stand a good chance of reducing inequalities, whilst not being more controversial than nudging policies (perhaps less) in terms of the paternalism they involve.


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