Realpolitik or Concert Diplomacy: The Debate over Austrian Foreign Policy in the 1860's

1981 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 84-97
Author(s):  
Richard B. Elrod
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
The Third ◽  
European System ◽  
Otto Von Bismarck ◽  
European Diplomacy ◽  
European Family

The third quarter of the nineteenth century witnessed momentous changes in the style of European diplomacy and statecraft. The generation of Klemens von Metternich, Alexander I, and Viscount Castlereagh gave way to that of Louis Napoleon, Viscount Palmerston, Camillo Benso di Cavour, and Otto von Bismarck. The previous conservative consensus among the great powers that had feared war and revolution and valued harmony, peace, and stability succumbed to other ideas and attitudes that accentuated the diversity and the rivalry of the European family of states. The precepts of Concert diplomacy that had formerly regulated relations between the powers were no longer obeyed or respected. Between 1854 and 1871 Europe experienced five wars involving great powers; from 1815 to 1854 there had been only two. Obviously the old european system that had discouraged direct challenges and confrontations was crumbling.

Cuba and the United States in the Configuration of a Foreign Policy for Spain

2020 ◽  
pp. 145-178
Author(s):  
Daniel Rodríguez Suárez
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
International Context ◽  
Fidel Castro ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Third World ◽  
The Military

After the election of the socialist party in 1982, relations between Spain and Cuba entered a channel of greater understanding, as the two nation's traditional commercial and economic relationship found a complementary association in the greater political affinity between Felipe González and Fidel Castro. In the international context, the Cuban leaders had their own vision of the role that Spain might play on the international stage and sensed the possibilities that the young Spanish democracy could open up for the Third World. For Spain there was a need to maintain a neutral international orientation and remain detached from the military pacts with the great powers. This chapter explores Cuba and the United States in the configuration of a foreign policy for Spain.

Systemic Instability and the Emergence of Border Disputes

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-44
Author(s):  
Scott F Abramson ◽  
David B. Carter
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Territorial Disputes ◽  
Global System ◽  
Detailed Case ◽  
European System ◽  
Timing Pattern ◽  
Territorial Claims

Abstract Although evidence shows that territorial disputes fundamentally shape relations among states, we know surprisingly little about when territorial claims are made. We argue that revisionist states have incentives to make territorial claims when the great powers that manage the system are in crisis. We identify five main sources of systemic instability and develop measures of each of them, demonstrating that the majority of territorial claims in Europe are drawn at times when regional great powers are embroiled in crisis, for example, 1848 or 1870 during the nineteenth century. The claims that emerge at these times are not necessarily among states involved in the crises that generated turmoil (e.g., Prussia and France in 1870). We use a newly developed spatial measure of historical boundary precedents in Europe from 1650 to 1790 to demonstrate that the effect of this known spatial correlate of where claims are drawn matters only when the European system is in crisis. We further demonstrate that this claim-timing pattern is general to the global system of states. In the appendix we corroborate our explanation of our findings with a detailed case study of the territorial claims that led to the contemporary Italian state's formation.

An Aspiring Buffer State: Anglo-Persian Relations in the Third Coalition, 1804–1807

1973 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 509-533 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward Ingram
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Near East ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Weak States ◽  
The Third ◽  
British Policy ◽  
History Of ◽  
Late Nineteenth

Weak states can control strong states, provided the weak can persuade the strong to admit, that they are vitally interested in their integrity and independence. In the late nineteentli century everybody understood the influence of the Ottoman Empire upon British policy, and the influence of Austria-Hungary upon Imperial German policy in the near east. In the heyday of the Great Powers of Europe it was not expected tliat orientals should aspire to similar influence: their futures would be decided by Europeans. Until the work of Robinson and Gallagher revealed the extent to which the khedive of Egypt controlled Lord Cromer, the history of late nineteenth century imperialism was written from this assumption.

Prerequisites for the reforms of the Russian Empire in the 1860s: a historical analysis

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-2) ◽  
pp. 176-184
Author(s):  
Dmitry Nechevin ◽  
Leonard Kolodkin
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Historical Analysis ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
The Sixties ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Political Economic

The article is devoted to the prerequisites of the reforms of the Russian Empire of the sixties of the nineteenth century, their features, contradictions: the imperial status of foreign policy and the lagging behind the countries of Western Europe in special political, economic relations. The authors studied the activities of reformers and the nobility on the peasant question, as well as legitimate conservatism.

Historical Fragments’ Mobile Echo

Transfers ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan E. Bell ◽  
Kathy Davis
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Cultural Revolution ◽  
Ming Dynasty ◽  
Third Century ◽  
Refugee Crisis ◽  
The Third ◽  
Opium War ◽  
The Subject

Translocation – Transformation is an ambitious contribution to the subject of mobility. Materially, it interlinks seemingly disparate objects into a surprisingly unified exhibition on mobile histories and heritages: twelve bronze zodiac heads, silk and bamboo creatures, worn life vests, pressed Pu-erh tea, thousands of broken antique teapot spouts, and an ancestral wooden temple from the Ming dynasty (1368–1644) used by a tea-trading family. Historically and politically, the exhibition engages Chinese stories from the third century BCE, empires in eighteenth-century Austria and China, the Second Opium War in the nineteenth century, the Chinese Cultural Revolution of the mid-twentieth century, and today’s global refugee crisis.

Evolution of Germany’s Stance Regarding the Three Seas Initiative

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 65-77
Author(s):  
Martin Dahl
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Global Game ◽  
New Instrument ◽  
Law And Justice ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Baltic ◽  
Polish Foreign

When the political camp centred on the Law and Justice party (PiS) came to power in 2015, it led to a change in priorities in Polish foreign policy. The Three Seas Initiative (TSI), understood as closer cooperation between eastern states of the European Union in the area between the Baltic, Adriatic, and Black seas, has become a new instrument of foreign policy. The initiative demonstrates the growing importance of Central and Eastern Europe in the global game of great powers. The region has become a subject of rivalry, not only between the United States and Russia but also China. Therefore, the main objective of this article is to try to describe the importance of the region to Germany and how Germany’s stance on the TSI has evolved. The article consists of three parts, an introduction to the issues, the genesis of the TSI, and the definition of goals set by the states participating in this initiative, as well as analysis of the German stance towards the initiative since its development in 2015. The theories of geopolitics and neorealism are used as the theoretical basis for the analysis.

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