scholarly journals § VII—The Byzantine Castle of Avret-Hissar

1919 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 98-103
Author(s):  
A. M. Woodward

About eight miles south-west of Kilkish or Kukuš, on the right bank of the river Zensko, is the ruined village of Avret-Hissar. Facing the village, on the left bank of the stream, is a prominent rocky spur, rising steeply from the river and crowned by the remains of a remarkable mediaeval building.This was correctly identified by Leake, who does not appear to have visited the site, as the castle of Γυναικόκαστρο which played a prominent part in the history of this region in the fourteenth century. As I know of no published description of it, these notes seem to be worth publication in the hopes that a fuller study of the site may be made now that exploration in this area is more feasible.

Author(s):  
S.N. Korusenko

This paper aims at reconstructing the genealogy of Siberian Tatars of Knyazevs (Western Siberia), identifying the origins of their surname, which is not characteristic of the Tatars, and at analysis of the influence of socio-political and socio-economical processes in Russia in the 18th through 20th centuries on the social transformation of the family. The sources were represented by the materials of the Inventory Revision Book of Tarsky District of 1701 and census surveys of the end of 18th through 19th centuries, which allowed tracing the Knyazev family through the genealogical succession and identifying social status of its members. In this work, recordkeeping ma-terials of the 18th–20th centuries and contemporary genealogical and historical traditions of the Tatars have been utilized. In the research, the method of genealogical reconstructions by archival materials and their correlation with genealogies of modern population has been used. The history of the Knyazev family is inextricably linked to the history of modern village of Bernyazhka — one of the earliest settlements of the Ayalintsy (a group of the Si-berian Tatars) in the territory of the Tarsky Irtysh land which became the home to the Knyazevs for more than three centuries. The 1701Inventory Revision Book cites Itkuchuk Buchkakov as a local power broker of the Aya-lynsky Tatars in the village. During the 18th century, this position was inherited by his descendants who eventually lost this status in the beginning of the 19th century in the course of the managerial reforms by the Russian gov-ernment. Nevertheless, the social status of the members of the gens remained high. In the mid. 19th century, the village moved — the villagers resettled from the right bank of the River Irtysh onto the left one. As the result, the village was situated nearby the main road connecting the cities of Omsk and Tara. At the same time, the village became the center of the Ayalynskay region. That led to the strengthening of the social status and property en-richment of the descendants of Itkuchuk Buchkakov. The Knyzevs’ surname first appeared in the materials of the First All-Russia Census Survey of 1897. Some of the descendants signed up under this surname later in the Soviet period. During the Soviet years, members of the Knyzev’s gens had different destinies: some worked in the local government, whereas the others were subjected to political repressions and executed. Knyazevs took part in the Great Patriotic War and seven of them perished. Presently there are no descendants of the Knyazevs in Bernyazhka as they spread over the villages of the Omskaya Region, some living in Omsk and other towns of Russia and abroad.


Zootaxa ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 4786 (4) ◽  
pp. 451-484
Author(s):  
IGOR A. BELOUSOV ◽  
ILYA I. KABAK

The main goal of the present paper is to define the kozlovi-species group of the genus Trechus Clairville, 1806, one of the most species-rich groups of Chinese Trechus and to describe new species of this group from two neighboring areas in Sichuan Province. Description of species groups for Chinese Trechus is a way to get a more consistent view of the taxonomy of this extremely diverse genus. The kozlovi group includes many described species, which are widespread in Qinghai, Gansu and Sichuan provinces. In turn, the group can be split into several subgroups each embracing close allopatric relatives but much more material from various areas of China is required for such detailed classification. In the present work, we describe 9 new Trechus species belonging to this group, all collected in central and southern Sichuan, China: T. suopoensis sp. n. and T. gemaensis sp. n., both from the northern slopes of Mount Gema, E of Danba City, T. bianericus sp. n. and T. maoniu sp. n., both from the nortwestern slopes of the mountain massif located south of Bianer Village, WNW of Danba City, T. shangensis sp. n., T. mengensis sp. n., both from the upper valley of the small river located WSW of the village of Shangmeng, NW of Lixian City, T. cuspis sp. n. from the southern slope of Mount “5200” NW of Lixian City, three latter species from the left bank of the Zagunao River, T. qunlaishanicus sp. n. from the Qunlaishan mountains on the right bank of the Zagunao River and T. chiguguanensis sp.n. from the Chiguguan Pass. 


1968 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 809-834
Author(s):  
Michael W. Roberts

Ancient Sinhalese rulers had a right to a share of agricultural income, a right which embraced the produce of the land as well as irrigation rates and was generally paid in kind. In effect, there was a land tax; but the term used (bojika-, bojiya-, or bojaka-pati) was more than mere land tax and connotes a tax on income corresponding to bhaga in Indian law books. By the fourteenth century, if not earlier, there had been a fundamental change. Rather than a tithe from each class of land in the village, the king received the whole of the produce of certain fields, the muttettu, which were cultivated gratis by the villagers who possessed other fields either in return for this service or in recognition of the king's suzreignty. This meant that there were no intermediaries farming (renting) the right to collect the tithe. It also meant that the villager held his paddy fields on an individual and hereditary (paraveny) basis. There was, however, no concept of freehold ownership. Authority was political. One could not distinguish private rights from political allegiance. Landholders combined rights in land with duties to the king. Service was attached to the land and was obligatory to any transferee. In some cases, this service was rendered to the king's chiefs and nominees or to the temples, for the kings distributed largesse in the form of lands and the services attached to them; these were known as nindagam, viharegam or devalegam as distinct from the king's villages, the gabadagam; such recipients were more like feudal overlords than farmers of the revenue. In other cases, villagers of certain castes performed certain specified services for the king, for other castes (usually higher castes) in their village, or for neighboring villages, and in return enjoyed certain fields. It was a system of service tenure that was girded and threaded by the caste system.


Litera ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 8-17
Author(s):  
Ekaterina Viktorovna Tselikova

This article meticulously analyzes the views of the representative of aesthetic school and school of democratic poetry of the Russian literature of the XIX century upon the designation of art and science. The essays “From the Village” by A. A. Fet, which depict the poet’s outlook upon the role and tasks of poetry, science, and art as a whole, serve as the materials for this research. Opinion of the opponents from democratic school is demonstrated on the example of the article “Dreams and Reality” by the author of the satirical magazine “Iskra” Pavel Medvedev. The article examines polemical dialogue between the two schools, analyzes and compares the arguments provided by its representatives. The article describes various mechanisms that allow using aesthetic beliefs as the foundation for creating a parodistically distorted personality and as a method for exposing the true views. The cycle by P. A. Medvedev “Dreams and Reality”, which combines the attributes of satirical parody and satire itself, was created as an instrument that is able to discredit publicizing of A. A. Fet in his essays “From the Village”, and thus unveil not only his aesthetic, but also sociopolitical position, ideology of the right-winger and advocate of serfdom. The parodist was trying to achieve such effect solely through interpretation and commenting of the statements of A. A. Fet himself.


HUMANIS ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 257
Author(s):  
Ni Putu Asri Widiyasari ◽  
Ni Made Wiasti ◽  
Aliffiati .

Ngusaba Dangsil is one of the religious rituals performed by Bungaya Villages. Despite their different beliefs, they remain respectful of each other. Tolerance among religious people in Bungaya Village is one of them can be seen during Ngusaba Dangsil ritual, a small community living in Bungaya Village called as Islam Belalungan is also involved in the big ritual procession. The aims of this research are to know: (a) Why Islam Belalungan play a role in Ngusaba Dangsil ritual and (b) How does Ngusaba Dangsil ritual mean for Islam Belalungan. The involvement of Islam Belalungan in Ngusaba Dangsil Ritual is studied through role theory, while the meaning of Ngusaba Dangsil Ritual for Islam Belalungan can be studied through interpretative theory. The concepts used as a guideline in this research is the concept of role, the concept of Islam Belalungan, and the concept of Ngusaba Dangsil Ritual. Thus, this study uses ethnographic research methods that belong to qualitative research with data collection techniques through observation, interview, and literature study. The results showed that the existence of Islam Belalungan in Bungaya Village can not be separated from the history of Islamic entry in Karangasem through several channels namely, government, trade, and kinship. The factors of involvement of Islam Belalungan in Ngusaba Dangsil Ritual are among others history and part of the village. In addition, the role of Islam Belalungan in Ngusaba Dangsil Ritual is at the time before, when the ritual, and after the ritual. Before the ritual begins, the Islam Belalungan participate to assist the preparation of making banten dangsil, when the ritual has taken place, Islam Belalungan are involved to help lift dangsil in the peak of the Ngusaba Dangsil Ritual. After Ngusaba Dangsil Ritual is completed, Islam Belalungan given the right to take or eat a surudan of banten that has been offered.


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 208-217
Author(s):  
Sugiyarto Sugiyarto ◽  
Agustinus Supriyono ◽  
Endah Sri Hartatik

This article discusses apanage land belonging to the village heads, which is a legacy of the land system in the era of pre-colonial Surakarta and Yogyakarta kingdoms or what is termed as Vorstenlanden. This paper is aimed to find out how the feudal and nobility system in Java, which in the colonial era was very vulnerable to intervention and politics of splitting or fighting. To answering this question, a study will be conducted on the history of the Islamic Mataram kingdom until the era of Surakarta and Yogyakarta, en focusing on the analysis of the apanage and nobility systems. The method used is a historical method that consists of four steps, namely, heuristics, textual criticism, interpretation, and historiography. This research shows high officials and royal aristocrats have the power and the right to collect land tax and labor. A decline in the degree of nobility in Java will also affect the extent or amount of apanage land obtained. In the other side, the peasant only enjoy a small portion of the results of working on land or rice fields. Artikel ini membahas tentang tanah apanage milik para kepala desa yang merupakan     peninggalan sistem pertanahan di era pra-kolonial kerajaan Surakarta dan Yogyakarta atau yang disebut dengan Vorstenlanden. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui bagaimana sistem feodal dan bangsawan di Jawa yang pada masa penjajahan sangat rentan terhadap intervensi dan politik perpecahan atau perkelahian. Untuk menjawab pertanyaan tersebut, dilakukan studi tentang sejarah kerajaan Mataram Islam hingga era Surakarta dan Yogyakarta, dengan fokus pada analisis sistem bangsawan dan bangsawan. Metode yang digunakan adalah metode sejarah yang terdiri dari empat tahapan yaitu heuristik, kritik tekstual, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Penelitian ini menunjukkan pejabat tinggi dan bangsawan kerajaan memiliki kekuasaan dan hak untuk memungut pajak tanah dan tenaga kerja. Penurunan derajat kebangsawanan di Jawa juga akan mempengaruhi luasan atau jumlah rata-rata tanah yang diperoleh. Di sisi lain, petani hanya menikmati sebagian kecil dari hasil menggarap lahan atau sawah. 


Author(s):  
Edeltraud Klueting

The chapter addresses the history of monasticism in the German-speaking territories of the Holy Roman Empire from the sixteenth through the nineteenth centuries. Whether the Reformation movement unleashed by Martin Luther represented a continuation of late medieval monastic reforms or, rather, an abrupt departure from them, is a contentious issue. In the Catholic parts of Germany, after the Council of Trent, monasteries became significant agents in the renewal of the Church, especially in the areas of education and social and charitable activity. On the other hand, the Enlightenment, with its narrow conception of utility, called into question the very basis of monastic life, and hence the right of monasteries to exist. The fallout of the French Revolution and the French occupation of the left bank of the Rhine led to a great wave of monastic dissolutions. It was only under the influence of German Romanticism that monasticism experienced another revival.


1881 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-207
Author(s):  
William Simpson

On leaving for India to accompany the army into Afghanistan in 1878, Colonel Yule, among other hints of places of interest of an archæological character to be looked out for, mentioned Nagarahara, the capital of the Jelalabad Valley in the Buddhist period. In the time of Hiouen-Thsang the district bore the same name as the capital, and it had no king of its own, but belonged to Kapisa, a city situated somewhere in the direction of Kabul. The district of Nagarahara extended to about 600 Chinese Li, from east to west, which would be over 100 miles. This might reach from about Jugduluck to the Khyber, so that in this last direction it would thus border on Gandara, and on the other extremity would touch Kapisa, which was also the name of the district as well as the capital of that name. The Valley of Jelalabad is small in comparison to that of the province which formerly belonged to it. From Darunta on the west to Ali-Boghan on the east is fifteen miles, but, on the left bank of the Kabul River, the flat land of Kamah extends the valley on that side, about five or six miles further to the east. The termination of the Valley at this place is called Mirza Kheyl, a white rocky ridge comes down close to the river, and there are remains of Buddhist masonry on it, with caves in the cliff below. On the right bank opposite Mirza Kheyl is Girdi Kas, which lies in a small valley at the northern end of a mass of hills which terminates the Jelalabad Valley on that side at Ali-Boghan, separating it from the Chardeh Plain, which again extends as far as Basawul. I got a kind of bird's-eye view of this one day from a spur of the Sufaid Koh, 8,000 feet high, near to Gundumuck, and the Jelalabad Valley and the Chardeh Plain seemed to be all one, the hills at Girdi Kas appearing at this distance to be only a few slight mounds lying in the middle of this space, which would be altogether about 40 miles in extent. When in the Jelalabad Valley, the Girdi Kas hills are undoubtedly the eastern barrier, while the Siah Koh Range is the western. The Siah Koh Range trends to the south-west, and then turns due west, forming a distinct barrier on the north till it is lost at Jugduluck; there are only some low-lying ridges between Futteeabad and Gundumuck, but they are so small that it might be said to be a continuous valley all the way from Ali-Boghan to the plain of Ishpan. The eastern end of the Siah Koh Range terminates at Darunta, which is the north-west corner of the Jelalabad Valley. The Kabul River, instead of going round the extreme end of this range, has, by some curious freak, found a way through the rocky ridge so close to the extremity, that it leaves only what might be called one vertebra of this stony spine beyond. The river here has formed for itself a narrow gorge through perpendicular cliffs, in which it flows, from the district of Lughman, into the level plain of the Jelalabad Valley. The Surkhab pours down from the Sufaid Koh, starting close to Sikaram, the highest point of the range, which our surveyors found to be 15,600 feet above the sea. It passes over the western end of the Ishpan plain, towards the Siah Koh Range, and it then keeps to the contour of its base all the way to the Jelalabad Valley, and joins the Kabul River about two miles below Darunta.


2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 136-141
Author(s):  
O. O. Pryadko

The results of research and localization of the «Busurmenskoe» settlement, located on the left bank of the river Ikva between the village Voronkiv and Zatyshne of Boryspil district, Kiev region are presented in the paper. The main feature of the settlements is the presence of fortifications: this feature often helps to find them. But ditches and ramparts are have been often destroyed by plowing, residential, commercial or industrial activity. The history of research from the late 19th century is connected with such researchers as A. V. Storozhenko, P. G. Klepatsky, Y. Y. Morgunov, V. K. Kozyba. The remains of the fortifications were located on the left bank of the river Ikva (the Dnieper basin). The author carried out the survey of the area and has found that nowadays the visual fortifications are hardly traced — only the depression of the moat could be watched. The settlement had a rounded shape with diameter of 73 Ч 75 (0.5 ha). The width of the moat is 4—5 m. The spread of the surface finds such as the fragments of wheel-made pottery is watching around the acropolis within 310 Ч 280 m (ca. 8.68 ha). Obviously, the area of spread coincides with the approximate boundaries of the suburb (posad). Probably there was the fortified suburb around the acropolis characteristic of this type of fortification of the micro-region. The surface finds from the site is dated only to the Old Rus time. The largest number of finds is the fragments of the wheel-made pottery. Among them are 33 rims dated to the 12th — the first half of 13th century, fragments of bases, walls with incised decoration, and handles of vessels. The collection of finds is added by metallic items and the fragment of grinder. According to dating finds the site «Busurmenske» should be dated to 12th — the first half of the 13th century. The localized hill-fort complements the archaeological map of Old Rus sites of Pereyaslav region. The site needs further research and protecting measures.


2014 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 209-220
Author(s):  
Zbigniew Chodyła

Jednym ze znaczniejszych skupisk ludności żydowskiej w Wielkopolsce w XVIII w. było królewskie miasteczko Rogoźno, ośrodek starostwa niegrodowego w powiecie i województwie poznańskim W 1765 r. zamieszkiwało w nim około 448 Żydów tworzących własny kahał (gminę), na czele którego stali rabin i dwóch seniorów, a zarazem ławników sądu kahałowego, z których jeden pełnił zapewne funkcje pisarza i zarazem syndyka. Publikowany przywilej Antoniego Szołdrskiego starosty-tenutariusza rogozińskiego i grodowego łęczyckiego dla Maśka Lewka z Łęczycy, wydany 12 lutego 1765 r. we wsi Gościejewo, stanowi zgodę na wybór i zarazem nominację tegoż Żyda na rabinat rogoziński. Potwierdza on władzę administracyjną, a zwłaszcza sądową rabina, z możliwością apelacji od wyroku sądu, któremu przewodniczył, do starosty, jednakże tylko w tym samym dniu, w którym zapadł ów wyrok. Dalej zakazuje rabinowi oddalanie się od synagogi bez koniecznej przyczyny, nakazuje wobec niego szacunek członkom synagogi, dopuszczając możliwość dochodzenia przez każdego z nich wobec rabina pretensji na drodze sądowej, ale tylko swoim kosztem, bez mieszania w spór synagogi i sąsiadów, w przeciwnym wypadku starosta przyrzeka udzielić rabinowi swego poparcia, a ponadto obiecuje temuż swą obronę, gdyby kahał nie opłacał go zgodnie z zawartą umową i jeśliby był napastowany lub ktoś czynił mu szkodę. Przywilej ten, potwierdzony 6 stycznia 1775 r. przez Jakuba Szołdrskiego, brata Antoniego i jego następcę na starostwie rogozińskim, zostaje wydany z powtórnego urzędowego wpisu jego treści do księgi grodzkiej poznańskiej, dokonanego z inicjatywy Lewka Maśka 10 grudnia 1781 r. Zasługuje on na ogłoszenie drukiem ze względu na skromny stan źródeł do dziejów Żydów w tym miasteczku i rzadkie występowanie tego typu dokumentów. The privilege of Antoni Szołdrski, Rogoźno starost, in the Rogoźno rabbinate, for Lewko Maśko of February 12, 1765 In the 18th century, one of the largest Jewish centers in Greater Poland was found in a royal town, Rogoźno, the heart of non-resident starosty in the Poznań county and district. In 1765, 448 Jews who formed their own qahal (community) lived there. The community was headed by a rabbi and two elders. The latter were at the same time the members of the qahal court. One of them also held the function of a writer and a legal adviser. The privilege published – the privilege of Antoni Szołdrski, non-resident Rogoźno starost and resident Łęczyca starost for Maśko Lewko from Łęczyca, granted on February 12, 1765 in the village of Gościejewko is a permission to assign, and therefore nominate, this particular Jew to be the rabbi in the Rogoźno rabbinate. It confirms his administrative and, more importantly, judiciary powers. It provides the right to appeal from the rabbi-chaired court’s verdict to the starost, but only on the day the verdict was made. The privilege also forbids the rabbi to leave the synagogue unless absolutely necessary. Although it orders the members of the synagogue to respect the rabbi, it allows them to take the rabbi to court, but only at their own expense, without involving the synagogue and neighbors in the dispute. Otherwise, the starost promises that he will not only lend support to the rabbi, but also defend him if the qahal does not pay the rabbi as stipulated in the contract concluded, and if he is abused or harmed. This privilege was confirmed on January 6, 1775 by Jakub Szołdrski, Antoni’s brother and his successor to the Rogoźno starosty. The document is published based on its official re-entry to the Poznań municipal register, conducted from the initiative of Lewko Maśko on December 10, 1781. It deserves to be published due to the little amount of sources on the history of Jews in this town and the fact that this type of documents is quite rare.


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