The Future of the Law of Occupation

Author(s):  
Kristen E. Boon

SummaryThe law of occupation has become the subject of great contemporary interest because of two prominent, although sui generis, situations: the long-term Israeli occupation of the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, and the Golan Heights and the “transformative” occupation of Iraq. In both situations, the occupying powers resisted the label of belligerent occupier and selectively applied the 1907 Hague Regulations and the 1949 Geneva Conventions to the territories in question. The unique circumstances of these occupations have sparked vigorous debate over the future of the law of occupation. To wit, is the widely accepted, but largely unenforced, law of occupation capable of regulating transitions between armed conflict and peace in the twenty-first century? This article examines recent developments in the notoriously open-textured law of occupation that have arisen as this law has been variously ignored, invoked, challenged, examined, and ultimately reformed through practice. In particular, it discusses the triggers for beginning and ending an occupation, including recent jurisprudence on the “effective control” test. The article examines who can be an occupier, the question of “multiple occupiers” under unified command, and the obligations of occupiers in the areas of legislation and institutional reform. The author also considers the challenges of UN involvement in transitional situations, including the applicability of the law of occupation to UN forces and the role of the Security Council in adapting the law of occupation. The author concludes with a discussion of the principle of “conservationism” and the relationship between the law of occupation and jus post bellum, in order to provide an assessment of possible “futures” of the law of occupation.

Author(s):  
Dawwas Amin

This chapter assesses Palestinian perspectives on the Hague Principles. In Palestine, the Mejella (ie the Ottoman Civil Code), is still applicable to the West Bank; it does not include rules on conflict of laws. In 2003, the Palestinian Authority published a draft civil law (PDCL), accompanied by a memorandum. In 2012, this draft was enacted as law in the Gaza Strip (GCL). Both PDCL and GCL include an identical rule on conflict of laws that clearly allows the parties to choose the law applicable to international commercial contracts. Likewise, the 2000 Palestinian Arbitration Law, applicable in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, recognizes the party autonomy principle. Currently, there is no indication on the enactment of the PDCL in the West Bank. Once this moment comes, the Hague Principles would play a role in revising the conflict of laws rules as they reflect the recent developments in the field. Besides, Article 35 of the PDCL/GCL orders the application of the principles of private international law in the absence of a relevant provision in this law concerning the conflict of laws. Thus, the Hague Principles could be used to supplement the Palestinian rules on the law applicable to contracts.


Legal Studies ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Rebecca Probert ◽  
Stephanie Pywell

Abstract During 2020, weddings were profoundly affected by the Covid-19 pandemic. During periods of lockdown few weddings could take place, and even afterwards restrictions on how they could be celebrated remained. To investigate the impact of such restrictions, we carried out a survey of those whose plans to marry in England and Wales had been affected by Covid-19. The 1,449 responses we received illustrated that the ease and speed with which couples had been able to marry, and sometimes whether they had been able to marry at all, had depended not merely on the national restrictions in place but on their chosen route into marriage. This highlights the complexity and antiquity of marriage law and reinforces the need for reform. The restrictions on weddings taking place also revealed the extent to which couples valued getting married as opposed to having a wedding. Understanding both the social and the legal dimension of weddings is important in informing recommendations as to how the law should be changed in the future, not merely to deal with similar crises but also to ensure that the general law is fit for purpose in the twenty-first century.


2020 ◽  
pp. 228-244
Author(s):  
Kyle M. Lascurettes

Chapter 9 (“The Future of Order”) reviews the empirical findings of the book and discusses their implications for the study of international relations. It then leverages these findings to address the two most important questions for international order in the twenty-first century: In the near term, what changes to the existing liberal order will the United States advocate as it continues to decline in relative power? And in the long term, what is its projected hegemonic successor, China, likely to do with the existing order when it finds itself in a position to fundamentally recast its underlying principles?


2006 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nikolaus Schweickart

AbstractResearch, innovation and know-how - these are the resources necessary for the long-term sustainability of our economic system. The strive for such knowhow should not stop at the recent developments in the IT, biotech and nanotech sectors. Other countries, in particular emerging markets like India, China and Korea, are already ahead of us in this respect. They move fast from imitation to innovation. Once, Germany was a leading industrial country in the biotech sector. Compared to other leading industrial countries, Germany may seem quite innovative still, but it will have to put in much more effort to remain competitive in the future.


2009 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 157-192 ◽  
Author(s):  
Louise Arimatsu

AbstractIsrael's military operation in the Gaza Strip from 27 December 2008 until 18 January 2009 raised a host of legal questions on status and the conduct of hostilities, many of which have been subjected to intense scrutiny. But perhaps the two most troubling questions that remain unresolved concern the appropriate legal regime that governed the conflict and the geographical reach of the law. Was this an international armed conflict? If so, who were the ‘contracting parties’ and what was the territorial scope of the conflict? Alternatively, was the armed conflict one between a state, Israel, and a non-state actor, Hamas, and thus subject to the rules that apply in non-international armed conflict? This latter position jars with our intuition not least because the codified law assumes non-international armed conflict takes placewithinthe territory of a contracting state. The disquiet is apparent in the Israeli Supreme Court judgment of 2009,Physicians for Human Rights v. Prime Minister, in which the Court had to determine the legal regime governing the armed conflict between Israel and ‘the Hamas organization’. Describing the normative ‘arrangements’ as ‘complex’, it noted that ‘the classification of the armed conflict between the state of Israel and the Hamas organization as an international conflict raises several difficulties’.


Author(s):  
Constanze Güthenke ◽  
Brooke Holmes

The canon has long served as a means of controlling the information that the professional classicist, who is facing a vast field of potentially relevant material, can be expected to possess. But recent developments (e.g. the rise of reception studies, a broadened definition of the ancient Mediterranean, comparative antiquities) have put pressure on this strategy. In this chapter we consider the limitations of two possible responses to such a situation—what Sheldon Pollock has called ‘hypercanonicity’, a doubling down on the canon, and ‘hyperinclusivity’, an attempt to encompass everything—before advocating what we call the ‘open field’, an embrace of the many different and singular configurations of knowledge that are coming to define the classicist in the twenty-first century.


Author(s):  
Somdeep Sen

This chapter provides an overview of the Palestinian struggle for liberation and describes the author's fieldwork in the Gaza Strip, Israel, and Egypt, conducted between 2013 and 2016. The Gaza Strip as a whole became a place of contradictions when Hamas adopted a dual mode of existence following its historic victory in the 2006 Palestinian Legislative Council elections. After the unequivocal triumph of the Islamist faction, Fatah refused to be part of the Hamas government. Over the course of the 2007 Battle of Gaza, Hamas then consolidated its rule over the Gaza Strip while maintaining its commitment to the armed resistance. In doing so, Hamas oscillated between the images of the postcolonial state and an anticolonial movement. As the government in the Gaza Strip, it represented a civilian authority posturing like the future Palestinian state. However, by remaining committed to the armed struggle, Hamas also recognized the fact that Palestine is far from being liberated.


2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 457-467 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ruth Lapidoth ◽  
Ofra Friesel

In 2003 Israel adopted the Nationality and Entry into Israel (Provisional Measure) Law, 5763-2003. The Provisional Measure deals generally with entry into Israel; at first it dealt only with entry into Israel of residents of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and later it was extended also to nationals and residents of Iran, Iraq, Lebanon and Syria. It is particularly relevant for cases of unification of families and immigration for the purpose of marriage.The following article offers a short summary of the law as it has been amended in 2005 and 2007, as well as its interpretation by the government (since 2008) and then examines its conformity with international law. The Provisional Measure involves a clash between the right of the individual to marry the person of his choice and establish a family on the one hand, and the right of the state to regulate freely immigration and entry into its territory on the other hand. Since international law has not established a right to family unification nor to immigration for the purpose of marriage, the right of the state prevails in this matter. Yet, the Provisional Measure deviates from international law in a different aspect, as it leads to a de facto discrimination, mostly of Israeli Arabs. This discrimination is not permitted by the Convention for the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination, to which Israel is a party. It is recommended that Israel amends the law in order to bring it into conformity with international law.


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