scholarly journals Anti-Poverty Distribution of Food Stamp Program Benefits: A Profile of 1975 Federal Program Outlays

1977 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 73-79
Author(s):  
Marilyn G. Kletke

The Federal Food Stamp Program is consistently under fire for failure to perform according to stated goals. This paper presents a brief overview of the program, and constructs a partial profile of the 1975 federal outlay for bonus stamp coupons. The analysis surveys food stamp benefits across states with the intent of determining whether or not these benefits appear to be reaching states with the greatest numbers of poor people. A cursory review of rural-urban allocations indicates a basic inequity which needs further consideration.The first food stamp program came about in May of 1939 and lasted for some four years until the war sharply increased demand for food supplies.The food stamp program as we know it today has its roots in an experimental plan set up by President John F. Kennedy in 1961. This plan was implemented in several pilot areas and was designed to clear the market of surplus food supplies and to raise nutritional food purchasing power of participating low-income families.

1979 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 113-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. Keith Scearce ◽  
Robert B. Jensen

The food stamp program, as enacted into law in 1964, was intended to improve the diet of low income households, but whether the program resulted in a nutritional improvement remains a controversial question. Several studies have evaluated the nutritional impact of the food stamp program on participant households. In general, the study findings do not conclusively resolve the question of nutritional improvement for participant families. Studies of California families showed some nutritional improvements among food stamp recipients in comparison with nonrecipients [7, 8]. A study in Pennsylvania showed no nutritional improvements, except in temporary periods of cash shortage [9].


1982 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-139 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean-Paul Chavas ◽  
M. L. Yeung

The Food Stamp Program (FSP) began in 1939 on a limited basis. In 1961, President Kennedy created an experimental Food Stamp Program that became nationwide after enactment of the Food Stamp Act of 1964. The two main purposes of the FSP are to improve the nutritional status of low income families and to support farm income by increasing food demand. The cost of the FSP rose from $1.8 billion in 1972, to $6.9 billion in 1979. This dramatic increase has motivated a considerable research effort to evaluate the program. This research can be classified into three broad categories (that are not necessarily mutually exclusive).


Author(s):  
Timothy Black ◽  
Sky Keyes

The norms and expectations of father involvement have changed rapidly within one to two generations. Socially and economically marginalized fathers are being exposed to these messages through popular culture and the media; in state welfare, child protection, and probation offices; in jails, prisons, and post-release programs; and in child support and family courts. Moreover, they are being told that it is up to them to make better choices, to get themselves together, and to be involved fathers. Based on life history interviews with 138 low-income fathers, Black and Keyes show that fathers have internalized these messages and sound determined. After all, there is social worth in fatherhood, hope for creating meaningful lives or new beginnings, the fantasy of leaving something of value behind in the world, and a stake in resisting stigmatizing labels like the deadbeat dad. Most will, however, fall short for several reasons: first, while the expectations for father involvement were increasing, state and economic support for low-income families was decreasing; second, vulnerable fathers often lack viable models to guide them; third, living in dangerous neighborhoods compromises fatherhood and leaves fathers at odds with dominant institutional narratives about being nurturing fathers; and fourth, the dark side of poverty, inscribed on bodies and minds, leaves some struggling with childhood traumas and unhealthy routines to mitigate or numb these painful developmental disruptions. Consequently, the authors assert that without transformative economic, political, and social change that would facilitate and support engaged and nurturing fatherhood, these fathers are being “set up.”


1980 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 87-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Larry E. Salathe

The Food Stamp Act authorizes the distribution of food coupons (stamps) to households which meet certain income eligibility requirements. This legislation enables low-income households to buy more food of greater variety to improve their diet. In fiscal 1979, the cost of the Food Stamp Program amounted to $6.7 billion and the number of persons participating in the program averaged 18.9 million.


1977 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 81-87
Author(s):  
Paul E. Nelson ◽  
John Perrin

During fiscal year 1974 the National Food Stamp Program disbursed $2.7 billion in bonus stamps. Of this amount, Texas received about $208 million. These money injections will increase each economy's final demand, ceteris paribus.However, an increase in the final demand of low income households will result in a discernibly different pattern of resource allocation than would occur if it came from high income households: the larger the increase in final demand, the greater the impact on patterns of resource use. The amount of bonus stamps distributed has reached a point where impacts may be identifiable.The source of funds likewise affects such expenditure patterns and resulting resource use. For example, when funds for bonus stamps are raised by increasing taxes of the higher income households, their expenditure patterns will reflect their increased tax payments. In contrast, when funds are raised by sale of government securities, the immediate impact will be different, in part because individuals account for only about 16 percent of the ownership of all federal securities.


2008 ◽  
Vol 11 (12) ◽  
pp. 1248-1255 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy L Webb ◽  
Andrew Schiff ◽  
Douglas Currivan ◽  
Eduardo Villamor

AbstractObjectiveFood-insecure populations employ multiple strategies to ensure adequate household food supplies. These strategies may increase the risk of overweight and obesity. However, existing literature reports conflicting associations between these strategies and BMI. The objective of the present study was to examine whether food insecurity and strategies for managing food insecurity are associated with BMI in adults.Design, setting and subjectsIn 2005, RTI International and Project Bread conducted a representative survey of 435 adult residents of low-income census tracts in Massachusetts. Food insecurity was assessed using the US Department of Agriculture’s eighteen-item Household Food Security Module.ResultsThe prevalence of overweight and obesity was 51 % and 25 %, respectively. After adjusting for age, sex, sociodemographic characteristics and food insecurity, both participation in the Food Stamp Program (FSP) and participation in any federal nutrition programme 12 months prior to the survey were each associated with an approximate 3·0 kg/m2higher adult BMI. In the subset of current FSP participants (n77), participation for ≥6 months was associated with an 11·3 kg/m2lower BMI compared with participation for <6 months. Respondents who consumed fast foods in the previous month had a mean BMI that was 2·4 kg/m2higher than those who did not. Food insecurity was not associated with BMI after adjustment for sociodemographic characteristics and FSP participation.ConclusionsParticipation in federal nutrition programmes and consumption of fast food were each associated with higher adult BMI independent of food insecurity and other sociodemographic factors. However, prolonged participation in the FSP was associated with lower BMI.


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (Supplement_5) ◽  
Author(s):  
J Parnham ◽  
C Millett ◽  
K Chang ◽  
S von Hinke ◽  
J Pearson-Stuttard ◽  
...  

Abstract Background The Healthy Start programme is a statutory benefit-in-kind in the United Kingdom (UK) which aims to enable low-income families to purchase fruit, vegetables, cow's milk and infant formula through the provision of vouchers. The scheme was introduced in 2006, however, the effect on food purchasing in participating households has not been evaluated within an eligible population. This study aimed to determine whether participation in the Healthy Start (HS) scheme is associated with differences in food purchasing in a representative sample of households in the United Kingdom. Methods Cross-sectional analysis of the Living Costs and Food Survey dataset (2010-2017). All households with a child (0-3 years) or pregnant woman were included in the analysis (n = 4,869). Multivariable quantile regression was used to compare the expenditure and quantity of fruit and vegetable, infant formula and total food purchases between Healthy Start participating, eligible non-participating, nearly-eligible and ineligible households. Results 54% (n = 475) of eligible households participated in Healthy Start. After accounting for covariates, no significant difference was found in the quantity or expenditure of fruit and vegetable purchases between Healthy Start participating and non-participating households. Fruit and vegetable expenditure (£/week) was found to be higher in nearly eligible (β1.60; 95% CI 0.79, 2.41) and ineligible households (β2.56; 95% CI 1.77, 3.35) compared to Healthy Start eligible households. Conclusions The present study did not demonstrate significant differences in the fruit and vegetable expenditure of HS participating and non-participating households. The analysis demonstrates that inequalities in fruit and vegetable purchasing persists in the UK. Improved participation and increased voucher value may be needed to promote well-being and counteract the harmful effect of poverty on fruit and vegetables purchasing. Key messages The study found no evidence of different food purchases between Healthy Start participating and non-participating households. Increased voucher value may be needed to counteract food-price inflation. The paper reflected persistent socioeconomic inequalities in the UK, indicating the Healthy Start scheme does not sufficiently counteract the harmful effects of poverty on food purchasing.


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