Security, Stability, and the Philippines

Worldview ◽  
1981 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 16-18
Author(s):  
Raul S. Manglapus
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Reagan Administration ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Habeas Corpus ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
Labor Strikes ◽  
Secretary Of State ◽  
The Absolute

Martial law in the Philippines was “lifted” on January 17. Some prisoners were released, other rituals performed But there was no dancing in the streets, and any private rejoicing must have been dampened when President and Prime Minister Ferdinand Marcos signed an order retaining the absolute powers vested in him under his 1973 constitution and 1976 amendments, both submitted to mock referenda. The writ of habeas corpus remains suspended under the catchall “crimes against security” and labor strikes are still banned under another catchall category, “vital industries.” The army will not be returning to the barracks.The ceremonial lifting was timed for greatest effect, anticipating Ronald Reagan’s inauguration on January 20 and Pope John Paul lis visit to the island in February an ecstatic event for the 40 million Filipino Catholics who make up 86 per cent of the population. The pope was hardly deceived, and, in any case, he certainly does not give his benediction to government repression. The Reagan administration has issued no official statements on the Philippines, but the new secretary of state has made provocative generalizations about how matters of human rights will be met in U.S. foreign policy.

Freedom Tide? Ideology, Politics, and the Origins of Democracy Promotion in U.S. Central America Policy, 1980–1984

2014 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 60-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Evan McCormick
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Central America ◽  
Reagan Administration ◽  
Democracy Promotion ◽  
The Political ◽  
History Of ◽  
Policy Objectives ◽  
Dramatic Shift

The Reagan administration came to power in 1981 seeking to downplay Jimmy Carter's emphasis on human rights in U.S. policy toward Latin America. Yet, by 1985 the administration had come to justify its policies towards Central America in the very same terms. This article examines the dramatic shift that occurred in policymaking toward Central America during Ronald Reagan's first term. Synthesizing existing accounts while drawing on new and recently declassified material, the article looks beyond rhetoric to the political, intellectual, and bureaucratic dynamics that conditioned the emergence of a Reaganite human rights policy. The article shows that events in El Salvador suggested to administration officials—and to Reagan himself—that support for free elections could serve as a means of shoring up legitimacy for embattled allies abroad, while defending the administration against vociferous human rights criticism at home. In the case of Nicaragua, democracy promotion helped to eschew hard decisions between foreign policy objectives. The history of the Reagan Doctrine's contentious roots provides a complex lens through which to evaluate subsequent U.S. attempts to foster democracy overseas.

Office of the Vice President

1978 ◽  
Vol 8 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 111-111
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Southern Africa ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Vice President ◽  
Policy Recommendations ◽  
Secretary Of State ◽  
The United Nations

Vice President Mondale has been participating extensively in Africa-related foreign policy matters since taking office in January, 1977. The Vice President works closely with Secretary of State Vance and Ambassador to the United Nations Andrew Young in the development of Africa-related policy recommendations for consideration by the President. The Vice President also participates in meetings with visiting African leaders and monitors political developments in Africa. Finally, at the President’s request, Vice President Mondale met with Prime Minister Vorster of South Africa to explain the new Administration’s policies toward southern Africa. Information on the Vice President’s staff’s involvement in Africa-related matters was requested but not received.

scholarly journals Narrating Human Rights in the Philippines

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 7 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ma. Rhea Gretchen Arevalo Abuso
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Social Institution ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Human Rights Violations ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
National Elections ◽  
The Social ◽  
National Leaders ◽  
Depth Interviews

The 2016 national elections in the Philippines have been regarded as the most revealing and consequential democratic practice to the human rights situation in the country for two reasons. First, the overwhelming election of Rodrigo Duterte to the presidency was because of his campaign promise to rid the country of drugs and criminality within “3 to 6 months” through bloody and violent means. Second, the son and namesake of the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos, whose authoritarian regime in the 1970’s was responsible for countless human rights violations, narrowly lost his vice-presidential bid by a mere 270,000 votes. These turns of events beg the question: how could Filipinos, who experienced a bloody and violent regime at the hands of a dictator, choose to elect national leaders widely associated with human rights violations? This paper addresses this question through the use of in-depth interviews with Filipino college students in key cities in the Philippines in order to describe the Marcos regime from the perspective of the generation that did not experience the period. The research aimed to understand how memories of past human rights violations are formed and shaped, how these memories are crucial to the improvement of the human rights situation in society, and how to ensure that mistakes of the past are not repeated. The study found that widespread revisionist notions about the Marcos regime can be attributed to the absence of meaningful martial law and human rights education in the country.  However, the study also found that young Filipinos regard the social institution of education as the most trustworthy bearer of information on human rights and violent regimes. This highlights the crucial role of schools and educators in promoting human rights in society.

Malaysian ties with China will grow in 2017

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
General Election ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Muslim Minority

Significance This follows Prime Minister Najib Razak speaking at a rally on December 4 in support of Myanmar's stateless Rohingya Muslim minority, which is currently experiencing a security crackdown that is straining the Malaysia-Myanmar relationship. The issue is one of several foreign policy considerations facing Malaysia going into 2017. Impacts Chinese and Malay construction, finance, engineering and tourism firms will benefit from deeper bilateral ties. China-Malaysia defence ties will deepen but will be largely symbolic in coming years. The Philippines is unlikely actively to dispute Sabah State's sovereignty, avoiding a relations problem. Defending Muslims' rights could help Najib politically in Malaysia's 2018 (or earlier) general election.

US vice president to take more active foreign role

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Trade Policy ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Vice President ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Policy Issues ◽  
China Trade ◽  
Secretary Of State ◽  
The Us

Significance The investigations relate to concerns that Trump abused his office by seeking to have a political rival, former Vice President Joe Biden, investigated by Ukraine, which Trump denies. It has brought into the spotlight the conduct of US policy towards Ukraine, and that has seen criticism of Secretary of State Mike Pompeo. It also comes as the Trump administration’s senior foreign policy team has seen personnel shifts. Impacts Pence will focus on foreign policy issues that resonate with evangelical voters, notably Israel and Middle Eastern Christians. Pence will also focus on promoting security and human rights abroad, leaving trade policy to Trump and trade officials. Pence will throw his support and influence behind getting the US-Mexico-Canada Agreement passed, and a US-China trade deal.

scholarly journals The Aftermath of the Mare Nostrum Policy Quandary on Migration in Italy

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 105
Author(s):  
Hamza Fadil ◽  
Shen Yi
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Irregular Migrants ◽  
Fertile Ground ◽  
The Mediterranean ◽  
And Migration ◽  
Irregular Migrant ◽  
The Arab Spring

Italy is the destination for migration and Libya is the main gateway for sending migrants by sea. Political instability in Libya due to the Arab Spring became fertile ground for smugglers to send thousands of irregular migrants from mainland Africa across the Mediterranean to Europe. The number of irregular migrants who come to cause problems for Italy. Italy is a country that is quite focused on resolving irregular migrant problems, but regulations regarding migrants are still said to be unsuccessful given the growing number of migrants. Migrants who arrive are often referred to as "Marocchini" or Moroccans. This research uses the concept of norms in constructivism. Norms have standards of behavior that contain prohibitions and recommendations of action. After the cessation of Operation Mare Nostrum, Italy continued to show consistency in complying with the laws of the sea and human rights, by continuing to carry out surveillance and rescue at sea. This was reinforced by the statement of the Italian Prime Minister, Matteo Renzi who was committed to making the problem in the Mediterranean a focus of foreign policy and migration became an important political agenda.

Martial law call could threaten Philippines’ Duterte

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Peace Process ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Habeas Corpus ◽  
Security Risks ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
Energy Infrastructure ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Government

Significance He has now introduced martial law to Mindanao and confirmed yesterday that habeas corpus had also been suspended on the island. Impacts Internal security risks will likely delay or halt Mindanao investment pledges. This could hit Duterte’s development aims and dent his support in his Mindanao political heartland. The Philippines will seek Russian investment especially in tourism, energy, infrastructure and transport. Philippines-Russia trade will likely expand but this will be a long-term process, as will trade diversification. Retaliating against martial law, the New People's Army will conduct more attacks, underming the government-communist peace process.

Trump trade bluster will alienate US allies in Asia

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
East Asia ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Arms Sales ◽  
Content Type ◽  
East Asia Summit ◽  
Rights Issues ◽  
Sticking Point

Significance Even without Trump's scheduled participation in the East Asia Summit (EAS) in the Philippines -- he left Manila just before the meeting began -- he made his foreign policy priorities clear throughout the trip, which, on his return to Washington, he hailed as a "tremendous success". Impacts Trump’s pursuit of quick arms sales could increase regional tensions and cause dissent in Congress. The Trump administration’s relative silence on human rights issues removes a sticking point from talks with authoritarian regimes. Trump’s interventions with foreign leaders undermine the credibility of US officials.

scholarly journals Analisis Kebijakan Luar Negeri Vanuatu Dalam Mendukung ULMWP Untuk Memisahkan Diri Dari Indonesia

2020 ◽  
pp. 65-78
Author(s):  
M. Syaprin Zahidi
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
South Pacific ◽  
International Community ◽  
Process Approach ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
Adaptive Model ◽  
Organizational Process

Vanuatu as one of the countries in the South Pacific Region has become a country that seems very diligent in criticizing Indonesia in international forums relating to the issue of violations of human rights in Papua. This was seen from 1982 when Vanuatu did not yet have diplomatic relations with Indonesia and then continued in 2014 when Vanuatu Prime Minister Moana Carcasses Katokai Kalosil at the 25th UN Human Rights Summit, delivered a speech urging the international community to support the independence of the Papuan people. This article argues that what was done by Vanuatu was inseparable from Vanuatu's domestical politic which the majority supported Papuan independence so that to frame the argument this article would use Graham T Allison's Organizational Process approach and adaptive model of foreign policy from Rosenau

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