Popular versus Elite Views of Privatization: The Case of Britain

1989 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-178 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian McAllister ◽  
Donley T. Studlar

ABSTRACTPrivatization is an idea that is popular among political elites throughout the advanced industrial world. In Britain, it has been the centrepiece of Margaret Thatcher's three Conservative governments, reflected in the sale of publicly-owned industries to the private sector and in the sale of council houses to their tenants. Using survey data, this article tests two models to account for privatization policy. The median voter model argues that it was a policy demanded and initiated by voters, while the elite interests model argues that it stemmed from the government and that little popular demand existed for it. The evidence confirms the elite interests model and shows that public opinion has generally accepted the status quo on the public ownership of industry. In addition, the Conservatives have made modest electoral gains from privatization. However, voters are not consistent in their views about privatizating particular industries, implying the Conservatives may lose votes with future privatization.

1997 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-290
Author(s):  
George Wedell

ALL GOVERNMENTS WHETHER OR NOT PARTICIPATIVE NEED TO KEEP an eye on public opinion if they are to maintain their legitimacy. Even autocratic governments have to provide some bread and circuses for their citizens if they are to stay in power. Autocratic governments throughout history have relied on achieving the acquiescence of their citizens first by convincing most of them that the status quo is the best available, given the constraints under which the government is operating at the time. Alternatively they have had to externalize their problems by convincing the citizens that there is external pressure which can be resisted only by the exercise of restraint and patriotic support for the government.


2016 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-204 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bianca Oehl ◽  
Lena Maria Schaffer ◽  
Thomas Bernauer

AbstractExplanatory models accounting for variation in policy choices by democratic governments usually include a demand (by the public) and a supply (by the government) component, whereas the latter component is usually better developed from a measurement viewpoint. The main reason is that public opinion surveys, the standard approach to measuring public demand, are expensive, difficult to implement simultaneously for different countries for purposes of crossnational comparison and impossible to implementex postfor purposes of longitudinal analysis if survey data for past time periods are lacking. We therefore propose a new approach to measuring public demand, focussing on political claims made by nongovernmental actors and expressed in the news. To demonstrate the feasibility and usefulness of our measure ofpublished opinion, we focus on climate policy in the time period between 1995 and 2010. When comparing the new measure of published opinion with the best available public opinion survey and internet search data, it turns out that our data can serve as a meaningful proxy for public demand.


2019 ◽  
Vol 67 (2 SELECTED PAPERS IN ENGLISH) ◽  
pp. 173-207
Author(s):  
Witold Matwiejczyk

The Polish version of the article was published in Roczniki Humanistyczne 65 (2017), issue 2. The election of Florian Stablewski as Archbishop of Gniezno and Poznań was a result of many circumstances and decisions, directed mostly by the Prussian government. After Bismarck’s resignation in 1890, the Prussian authorities declared their readiness for ‘reconciliation’ (Versöhnung) with the Polish political elites in the Prussian partition, but with only the smallest possible concessions on their part. The nomination of the Polish candidate for archdioceses orphaned after the death of Juliusz Dinder was to be the first test of both parties’ intentions. An experienced politician such as Fr. Stablewski perfectly understood this and after rejecting Likowski’s candidature, he made public gestures towards the authorities, which were taken as an explicit declaration of loyalty and willingness to cooperate. Political support or even an inspiration for Stablewski was the political camp of Poznań conservatives led by Józef Kościelski, who personally undertook to force this candidate through at the Berlin court. The government, however, did not want to strengthen or make the Polish political camp independent. Therefore, upon expressing readiness to nominate Stablewski, they wanted to further maintain the status quo in Church and religious policy. A written commitment of the candidate to comply with these principles was to guarantee his full loyalty in the future. However, the declaration written by Stablewski was only an expression of his generally known and publicly expressed attitude of legality and loyalism. He reserved his full obedience only to his Church superiors: Cardinal Ledóchowski and the Pope.


1995 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Moses Kaunda

In the period since the Movement for Multi-party Democracy (MMD) was voted into government in 1991 by an overwhelming majority, the Lands Bill, 1994 (hereafter referred to as “the Bill”) easily stands out as the most publicly discussed piece of proposed legislation. When the Bill was introduced to Parliament debate was deferred sine die because most members of Parliament (MPs) demanded more time to examine its provisions and consult over proposed changes. Postponement was followed by a one-day seminar on die Bill organized by the Ministry of Legal Affairs. Thereafter, the government initiated a programme to explain the Bill to the public: on 29 September, 1994, a chiefs' workshop was arranged at Mulungushi International Conference Centre, Lusaka, but this came to nothing because invited chiefs did not attend. Then the government conceived provincial programmes for die public discussion of the Bill, but diese were then postponed indefinitely, as explained below.


Author(s):  
Yuskar Yuskar

Good governance is a ware to create an efficient, effective and accountable government by keeping a balanced interaction well between government, private sector and society role. The implementation of a good governance is aimed to recover the public trust for the government that has been lost for the last several years because of financial, economic and trust crisis further multidimensional crisis. The Misunderstanding concept and unconcerned manner of government in implementing a good governance lately have caused unstability, deviation and injustice for Indonesia society. This paper is a literature study explaining a concept, principles and characteristics of a good governance. Furthermore, it explains the definition, development and utility of an efficient, effective and accountable government in creating a good governance mechanism having a strong impact to the democratic economy and social welfare. It also analyzes the importance of government concern for improving democratic economy suitable with human and natural resources and the culture values of Indonesia.


Author(s):  
Catherine E. De Vries

This chapter introduces a benchmark theory of public opinion towards European integration. Rather than relying on generic labels like support or scepticism, the chapter suggests that public opinion towards the EU is both multidimensional and multilevel in nature. People’s attitudes towards Europe are essentially based on a comparison between the benefits of the status quo of membership and those associated with an alternative state, namely one’s country being outside the EU. This comparison is coined the ‘EU differential’. When comparing these benefits, people rely on both their evaluations of the outcomes (policy evaluations) and the system that produces them (regime evaluations). This chapter presents a fine-grained conceptualization of what it means to be an EU supporter or Eurosceptic; it also designs a careful empirical measurement strategy to capture variation, both cross-nationally and over time. The chapter cross-validates these measures against a variety of existing and newly developed data sources.


2017 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-65
Author(s):  
Mary Varghese ◽  
Kamila Ghazali

Abstract This article seeks to contribute to the existing body of knowledge about the relationship between political discourse and national identity. 1Malaysia, introduced in 2009 by Malaysia’s then newly appointed 6th Prime Minister Najib Razak, was greeted with expectation and concern by various segments of the Malaysian population. For some, it signalled a new inclusiveness that was to change the discourse on belonging. For others, it raised concerns about changes to the status quo of ethnic issues. Given the varying responses of society to the concept of 1Malaysia, an examination of different texts through the critical paradigm of CDA provide useful insights into how the public sphere has attempted to construct this notion. Therefore, this paper critically examines the Prime Minister’s early speeches as well as relevant chapters of the socioeconomic agenda, the 10th Malaysia Plan, to identify the referential and predicational strategies employed in characterising 1Malaysia. The findings suggest a notion of unity that appears to address varying issues.


2015 ◽  
Vol 68 (3) ◽  
pp. 607-621 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jake Haselswerdt ◽  
Brandon L. Bartels

1988 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 831-851 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roland Quinault

1848 has gone down in history – or rather in history books – as the year when England was different. In that year a wave of revolution on the Continent overthrew constitutions, premiers and even a dynasty but in England, by contrast, the middle classes rallied round the government and helped it preserve the status quo. This interpretation of 1848 has long been the established orthodoxy amongst historians. Asa Briggs took this view thirty years ago and it has lately been endorsed by F. B. Smith and Henry Weisser. Most recently, John Saville, in his book on 1848, has concluded that events in England ‘demonstrated beyond question and doubt, the complete and solid support of the middling strata to the defence of existing institutions’. He claims that ‘the outstanding feature of 1848 was the mass response to the call for special constables to assist the professional forces of state security’ which reflected a closing of ranks among all property owners. Although some historians, notably David Goodway, have recently stressed the vitality of Chartism in 1848 they have not challenged the traditional view that the movement failed to win concessions from the establishment and soon declined. Thus 1848 in England is generally regarded as a terminal date: the last chapter in the history of Chartism as a major movement. Thereafter Britain experienced a period of conservatism – described by one historian as ‘the mid-Victorian calm’–which lasted until the death of Palmerston in 1865.


Author(s):  
Disha Garg ◽  
Kartik Sharma ◽  
Parul Nayar ◽  
Shubhi Goyal ◽  
Shruti S Nagdeve

Purpose: With the conception of one’s professional life, it is essential to understand all the possibilities and opportunities that lie before them. In the case of architecture, there exists a bias towards the private sector where newly graduate students aspire to work in private practices and possibly even envision a practice of their own at a certain point in life. While there is nothing wrong with envisioning a future in the private sector, it is also essential to be aware about the public sector and understand the opportunities it provides to be able to make an informed decision. There is a preconceived notion about the monotonous nature of government jobs and a lack of awareness about students about the opportunities in this sector. Hence, it becomes crucial to understand the numerous opportunities this sector has to offer and thus, explore the potential of architects in government organizations. Methodology: The research for this paper has been done by referring to existing literature and interviews with concerned people. With an understanding of how and why is the government sector an essential  area of research for budding architects and planners. The research was done through interviews and possible case studies was done based on review of existing literature. Main Findings: The government is one sector with tremendous possibilities in the realm of architecture but is often plagued with stereotypes and preconceptions which have emerged over the years. It is imagined to be “lazy”, “uninnovative” and “non-productive” but this sector has evolved over the recent years and is now shaping to be one of the more lucrative sectors for practice. The number of perks, benefits and a clear comparative advantage of a higher salary, added with the direct contribution towards serving the nation, the government sector clearly has an unrealised potential for architectural professionals. Implications: With younger architetcs having preconceived notions about role of architetcs in a government sector limited to unexciting set of designs without creativity, this article may help bring a fresh thought process to choose professional sector wisely.


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