Structure and Action in the Making of Milan's Working Class

1995 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 243-259 ◽  
Author(s):  
Louise A. Tilly

Andrea Costa, a contemporary observer and sometime participant in Italian socialist politics, spoke in 1886 in defense of the Lombardy-based Partito operaio, whose leaders had been arrested and its newspaper muzzled. He offered a classic Marxist interpretation of the party's emergence as a “natural product of… our economic and social conditions … the concentration of the means of production in few hands, distancing the worker more and more from his tools … and likewise a product of our political conditions … electoral reform, by means of which the working class … can affirm itself as a class apart.” Further, this party had been founded in Milan, “where modern industry has penetrated more than elsewhere,” and closely following the expansion of the suffrage in 1881 (Italy 1886: 419).

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-58
Author(s):  
Mohamed Chamekh

This article explores illegal migration through Tunisian rap. It considers this music an aspect of resistance and protest against the socio-economic and political conditions obliging thousands of Tunisians to cross the Mediterranean in makeshift boats in search of better prospects and challenging the increasing security and legislative measures crippling mobility imposed by the EU and Tunisian authorities. This article contends that harga songs document the history of the working class in Tunisia and carve the identity of harraga as people who have been marginalised for generations. It concludes that EU-Tunisia security talks and dialogues remain ineffective as long as the root causes of illegal migration have not been addressed. Keywords: illegal migration, Tunisian rap, resistance, marginalization, security, immobility, identity


1935 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 641-654
Author(s):  
S. L. Brous ◽  
W. L. Semon

Abstract Rubber has found its widest use in industry because its properties can be altered and improved by compounding and cure to give strong, flexible, resilient products which are resistant to abrasion, impervious to fluids, electrically insulating, and relatively inert chemically. For such other desirable characteristics as resistance to oils and solvents, and freedom from attack by air, sunlight, and oxidizing materials, skillful compounding has brought marked improvements, but even better properties are needed to meet the demands of modern industry. The search for synthetic rubbers has been stimulated not merely by the desire for an economically independent source of supply, but also with the hope that there might be obtained materials having properties superior to the natural product. Whitby and Katz (4) have published a comprehensive historical treatise dealing with the development of numerous synthetic rubbers which have appeared in the last few years. It has been believed that linear polymers obtained from dienes hold most promise for the preparation of rubber-like materials. Carothers (1) has studied the relation between the structure of dienes and the types of polymerization products which may be obtained therefrom. On the basis of these data he inferred that, from the standpoint of their polymerization products, the best dienes will be of the type CH2:CXCH:CH2, in which X is an activating group other than alkyl or aryl. In general it has been found that there may be obtained polymerization products with physical properties equal to, or often superior to those of natural rubber, and with marked resistance to the action of solvents and chemicals. Among the many types of organic materials which will polymerize, the vinyl compounds only recently have been modified suitably to yield commercial rubber-like materials.


1979 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-230
Author(s):  
Michael Hanagan

The process of proletarianization and its role in the shaping of working class consciousness has captured the attention of French social historians over the last ten years. Until recently, works on French labor history generally neglected the formation of the working class to concentrate on the origins of national working-class parties or trade unions; thus, general histories of the political ‘workers’ movement' abound, to the detriment of occupational or regional studies. As early as 1971, Rolande Trempé's thèse asserted that the transition from godfearing peasant to socialistic proletarian had only just begun when a man put down his hoe and took up a pickaxe. In Les mineurs de Carmaux, Trempé showed the evolving social and political conditions which led coalminers in southwestern France to espouse trade unionism and socialism. The recently published thése of Yves Lequin, Les ouvriers de la region lyonnaise, provides another benchmark in the study of nineteenth-century working class history. Lequin reveals that, for the pre-1914 period in the Lyonnais region of France, the dynamics of proletarianization were more important in promoting worker militancy than its end result, the appearance of an industrial proletariat.


Author(s):  
Val Gillies ◽  
Rosalind Edwards ◽  
Nicola Horsley

This chapter details the ways in which social divisions and inequalities around gender, social class, race/ethnicity, and poverty are embedded and reproduced through early intervention initiatives, especially those invoking brain science. It shows how mothers are envisioned as a risky environment for their children and their outcomes, and held personally accountable for inculcating a ‘biological resistance to adversity’ in their children, able to act as protective buffers between them and harsh social conditions through practising intensive attachment. Poor working-class and minority-ethnic mothers especially are positioned as the source of individual, social, and national problems, and as the solution to them, and the chapter notes the international spread of such ideas.


2013 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 789-813 ◽  
Author(s):  
ADRIAN LITTLE ◽  
KATE MACDONALD

AbstractCritics of global democracy have often claimed that the social and political conditions necessary for democracy to function are not met at the global level, and are unlikely to be in the foreseeable future. Such claims are usually developed with reference to national democratic institutions, and the social conditions within national democratic societies that have proved important in sustaining them. Although advocates of global democracy have contested such sceptical conclusions, they have tended to accept the method of reasoning from national to global contexts on which they are based. This article critiques this method of argument, showing that it is both highly idealised in its characterisation of national democratic practice, and overly state-centric in its assumptions about possible institutional forms that global democracy might take. We suggest that if aspiring global democrats – and their critics – are to derive useful lessons from social struggles to create and sustain democracy within nation states, a less idealised and institutionally prescriptive approach to drawing global lessons from national experience is required. We illustrate one possible such approach with reference to cases from both national and global levels, in which imperfect yet meaningful democratic practices have survived under highly inhospitable – and widely varying – conditions.


2016 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 315-332 ◽  
Author(s):  
Niamh Mulcahy

The relationship between the working class and consumer culture is undoubtedly contentious and often held as problematic in Marxist critical theory, owing to the exploitative nature of the mass production that facilitates consumption. Consequently, consumption sometimes appears as a distraction from the inequality perpetuated during the accumulation of capital, and thus as a social problem with normative undertones. As I reiterate in this article, however, workers are not simultaneously consumers because they have been inundated with consumer culture and advertising, but because they are separated from the means of production and must resort to exchange to reproduce their labour-power. As a result, they seek commodities as use-values, which is altogether different from a capitalist’s desire to realise exchange-value in the sale of commodities. This article is an attempt at examining the contradictions that arise in working-class interests in consumption, in order to illustrate why the act of consumption does not necessarily engender the continuous reproduction of capital, and thus of exploitation.


2008 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-116 ◽  
Author(s):  
SAMITA SEN

In India, investigations into patterns of industrialisation and the formation of industrial labour began during the colonial period, soon after the inception of modern industry in the mid-nineteenth century. After Independence in 1947, the development of a ‘working class’ became the primary focus of enquiry into conditions of industrial labour.


Author(s):  
О. Kravchenko

The article highlights the social and political conditions under which the proletarian educational organizations of the 1920s functioned in the context of nationality issue, namely the study of political frameworks determining the status of the Ukrainian language and culture in Ukraine. The nationality issue became crucial in Proletkult activities – a proletarian cultural, educational and literary organization in the structure of People's Commissariat, the aim of which was a broad and comprehensive development of the proletarian culture created by the working class. Unlike Russia, Proletkult's organizations in Ukraine were not significantly spread and ceased to exist due to the fact that the national language and culture were not taken into account and the contact with the peasants and indigenous people of nonproletarian origin was limited.


Author(s):  
Inna Shtakser

This paper examines the construction of a revolutionary identity among the working-class Jewish youth of the Pale of Settlement through the prism of changes taking place in their attitudes and behavior standards. I claim that these changes, caused initially by worsening economic and social conditions for the Jewish community in the Russian empire, resulted in the creation of a new image a young Jew could choose for her/himself, that of a working-class Jewish revolutionary. This new image widened the options for secularization available to working-class Jews and signaled a greater openness within the Jewish community to an idea of a secular Jew. The availability of a new secular, activist identity also allowed the workingclass revolutionary youth to create for themselves a new political space within the hierarchy of the Jewish community, a space dependent on their combined new and old identities as revolutionaries and Jews.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document