Alexander C. Pathy,Waterfront Blues: Labour Strife at the Port of Montreal, 1960–1978. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004. ix + 328 pp. $53.00 cloth.

2005 ◽  
Vol 68 ◽  
pp. 144-146
Author(s):  
Colin J. Davis

In this autobiographical account of labor relations on the Montreal waterfront, Alexander C. Pathy gives an insider account of the volatile relationship between shippers and longshoremen. Pathy worked as a lawyer and then official of the influential Maritime Employers Association (MEA). The MEA was in the forefront in changing employment relations to better fit the introduction of technological changes brought on by containerization. As in most ports around the world, the introduction of containerization was riven with challenge and controversy. The Port of Montreal, and the lesser ports of Quebec City and Trois-Rivieres, shared this common experience. According to Pathy up to 1960 the respective ports had seen little strife. Indeed, it would seem that the relations between the two sides had been relatively amicable. This would change once ship owners and stevedores embarked on a rationalization scheme to make the loading and unloading of cargo that much more efficient and speedier. Beginning in 1960, negotiations became increasingly heated and hostile. Not least was the problem of language. In what could be best described as mutual ignorance the employers negotiated in English, while the union representatives, reflecting the membership, spoke in French. It was no wonder that misunderstandings could occur because of poor translation. But according to Pathy more than language, the principal point of conflict was perception. Each side brought to the table mutual suspicion and hostility. The problem Pathy contends was, “Each party did not see its glass half full but half empty.”(40) Therefore, negotiations over gang size, technological improvements, hiring methods, and union jurisdiction all became major issues of contention. Adding to the complexity of the situation was the role of Canadian government. Canadian industrial relations law gave the government a vital stake in the negotiations. Just as important, as both official and wildcat strikes broke out, the government scrambled to stabilize the situation as ships were diverted to US ports. The loss of trade and thereby revenue was seen as a critical impairment to the maritime economy.

1994 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 285-298 ◽  
Author(s):  
Louise Thornthwaite

While conciliation and arbitration tribunals have been at the forefront of Austral ian research on industrial relations institutions, numerous specialist tribunals enforcing individual workers' rights in employment have been virtually hidden from view. This paper examines the role of two such tribunals in New South Wales, the Government and Related Employees' Appeal Tribunal and the Equal Opportu nity Tribunal. It argues that although their most direct and public role is to resolve individuals' grievances, equally significant is the contribution of these agencies to the detailed regulation of employment relations and hence the increasing sophisti cation of labour management in public sector organizations since the late 1970s, and the institutionalization of management prerogatives and conflicts over an increasingly wide range of employment decisions.


1992 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 112-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Cook

The fundamental objective of the Government's industrial relations policy is to encourage and assist Australian companies and their employees to adopt work and management practices that will strengthen their capacity to compete successfully both in domestic and international markets. To this end we support co-operative and equitable workplace bargaining, with wage increases being linked to the reform of work practices and attitudes. Our support for decentralised bargaining is aimed at improving productivity by fostering a new workplace culture of striving for continuous improvement. We emphatically reject the view that such an outcome will be achieved by wholesale deregulation and reliance on unfettered market forces. The Government is committed, for both equity and efficiency reasons, to maintaining the Accord approach to wages policy. We are also committed to an independent Australian Industrial Relations Commission playing the vital role of protecting lower paid employees through the safety net of minimum award wages and conditions.


1997 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seoghun Woo

This paper argues that the future direction for the development of Korean industrial relations will evolve through direct interaction between employers and trade unions (either conflictual or cooperative). The government is likely to play a less interventionist role in industrial relations, compared with the past, and to adopt the role of mediator between unions and employers. Characteristics of Korean industrial relations during the pre- 1987 period is firstly examined; four major factors are used to explain the industrial relations practice during this time. Changes after 1987 are also considered. Special consideration is given to interaction between the environment and the three major industrial relations participants, and the interactions between them. Both macro and micro aspects of industrial relations are examined. The special Presidential Address (26/04/1996), known as New Conception of Industrial Relations, is also analysed in terms of its implications for future industrial relations issues in Korea.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Patricia Gay Simpkin

<p>The purpose of this thesis is to examine the response of secondary school teachers to the Tomorrow's Schools education reforms. Their early response was made largely through their union, the Post Primary Teachers' Association (PPTA), in an industrial relations setting as the reform proposals were in development and taking their final shape. The interaction between the professional project of these teachers with the proposed reforms produced an outcome for secondary school education shaped by the interaction, rather than just by the reforms themselves. A case study situated at the intersection of industrial relations, state sector and education restructurings during the period 1984-1989 is the focus of the thesis. The argument is located within French regulationalist theory. The concept of the Keynesian Welfare National State provides a means for connecting education as part of the mode of regulation with the role of the state in New Zealand. The Fourth Labour Government entered into a political project that shifted the role of the state in the economy and society. The roots of the project lay in the discourse of economic rationalism. Policy resulting from this discourse was put into operation through legislation affecting all parts of the state. In education, the discourse of economic rationalism introduced a new approach, the values of which were at odds with those of the previous education settlement of the Keynesian Welfare National State. The object of the thesis is to trace the process of change within the secondary schools sector of education through the years 1984-1989 as the two different sets of values interacted. The assumption is made that institutional change results from a dynamic interaction between new ideas and continuities and discontinuities with the past. This allows for the possibility of the effects of agency on public policy. Analysis focuses on a series of industrial negotiations between the PPTA and the State Services Commission, the negotiating body for government. They took place as various government policy documents and resulting legislation altered the positioning of teachers within the state. The negotiations were of such a character that the educational discourses of economic rationalism and the education settlement of the Keynesian Welfare National State came into conflict and were debated at length. The thesis concludes that, by the end of the negotiations and despite the introduction of legislation on education, the values of secondary teachers remained substantially unchanged and in opposition to the intent of the government reforms.</p>


2005 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 566-576 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael A. Gurdon

This article describes the legislated strengthening of employee involvement in decision-making within the federal civil service in Australia. While the quite distinct differences between the two industrial relations Systems must be recognized, particularly the resulting distribution of power between the government as employer and its employees, aspects of the general philosophy underlying the Australian model may find some useful applications as the Canadian public sector Systems continues to evolve.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Patricia Ah Chong-Fruean

<p>This thesis maps out the industrial relations system of Samoa with specific emphasis on industrial democracy and employee participation in the making of rules and decisions affecting worker's employment. The thesis outlines the impacts of the environmental contexts, social, political, legal and economic, of Samoan society on the scope and nature of industrial relations in Samoa. Using data collected through face-to-face interviews, workshop observation and the analysis of various secondary documents that include for example, the study of industrial relations in the South Pacific nations by Prasad, Hince, & Snell (2003) and several country reports and national policies on employment relations, the thesis utilises Dunlop's (1958) systems model of industrial relations to describe the employer, employee and state relationship within the system and their varying roles in the determination of workplace rules.  Dunlop's systems model enables the researcher to identify a strong link between the industrial relations system and the social institutions of Samoan society that are structured around the fa'asamoa (Samoan customs and traditions) and the fa'amatai (chiefly) systems of social justice and traditional rule making. Dunlop's model (which suggests that the 'rule' is the fundamental goal of an industrial relations system) enables identification of the prevailing processes that employer, employee, state and their representing agencies use to determine the rules in the Samoan workplace. It suggests that while the worker (union) is considered to be one of the key actors' in the establishment of workplace rules, the nature and scope of union participation and influence on industrial relations decisions in Samoa do not reflect this: in the sense that unions play virtually no role in Samoa's industrial relations system. The thesis also attempts to uncover the 'shared ideology' that prescribes and defines the actors' roles, prestige, power and influence on the process of rule making in Samoa's IR system.  In doing so it finds that Samoan government is the dominant player in industrial relations in the sense that the government can unilaterally make decisions and rules regarding employment relations both at the organisational and national level, without the involvement of employers and workers. While employee participation in employment decisions is clearly affected by economic, technological and market constraints, other factors relating to the culturally nuanced concepts of 'respect', 'loyalty' and 'trust' toward those who hold significant power and authority appear to be predominant influences in the determination of rules in all facets of Samoan society. This particular condition of the Samoan system of industrial relations is explained with reference to Dunlop's notion of 'shared ideology' and the 'locus and distribution of power' within wider society.</p>


Author(s):  
Siti Zaharah Jamaluddin ◽  
Mohammad Abu Taher ◽  
Ng Seng Yi

Industrial relations is one of the most delicate and complex issues in a modern industrial society. Industrial progress is well-nigh impossible without the cooperation of the labour force and the harmonious relationship between employers and employees. Therefore, it is in the interest of all to create and maintain the good relationship between employers and employees. Malaysia, as one of the South East Asian countries, hopes to be a high-income nation by 2024. In order to achieve the status of high income nation, the government of Malaysia has introduced the Economic Transformation Programme (ETP). ETP will help Malaysia to triple its Gross National Income (GNI) from RM 660 billion in 2009 to RM 1.7 trillion in 2020. The status of high income nation is said to be achieved, among others, via innovation, creativity, higher productivity, new technology and the development of a multi-skilled and highly skilled workforce as well as healthy industrial relations. As such, in underlining industrial relations in a high-income nation, this article is an attempt to examine the role of the Malaysian industrial relations of today. It will also portray whether changes are required in Malaysian industrial relations in order to be relevant in a high-income nation.


Author(s):  
David Etherington

The chapter provides an overview of the key arguments and structure to the book. Of central importance is to understand austerity as a class strategy involving labour discipline through attacks on social protection and employment relations. Central to the book’s argument is the need to understand the geographical nature of labour inequalities and impacts of austerity cuts in the ‘left behind’ regions. The chapter highlights the way industrial relations and employment relations inter link as Work first policies undermine employment rights and reinforce labour market insecurity and inequality. The chapter briefly outlines the role of agency and the capacities of trade unions and social movements to negotiate and resist austerity are seen as crucial to an understanding of the contemporary welfare and employment crisis. The origins of the book is outlined, arising from previous comparative work on the Danish welfare and employment model which provides relevant lessons when discussing the link between labour and social movements and welfare regimes and alternatives to neoliberalism


2007 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 631-652 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Stoleroff

Since the onset of the public deficit crisis in 2001–2002, three successive Portuguese governments have promoted a transformation of public sector employment relations with the aim of bringing them into line with the private sector. Given the importance both of employment in the public sector and of public sector unions to the overall labour movement, the outcome of these reforms will have a decisive impact upon industrial relations in Portugal. The Portuguese public sector unions have consistently claimed that the government has presented them with preconceived reform packages, has not bargained and has in fact imposed its concept of the reforms. This article analyses the relationship between the government and the unions in negotiating the reforms, focusing on the degree of conflict involved and the extent to which the reforms have proceeded within the framework of social dialogue.


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