The US–China Naval Balance in the Asia-Pacific: An Overview

2017 ◽  
Vol 232 ◽  
pp. 904-931
Author(s):  
Lyle Goldstein
Keyword(s):  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Us Military ◽  
The Us ◽  
Military Campaigns ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Strategic Balance ◽  
Military Balance ◽  
Roll Back ◽  
Decisive Advantage ◽  
Strategic Studies

AbstractA truism in strategic studies holds that warfare is highly complex and unpredictable. What appears to be a stable and predictable military balance can be suddenly overthrown by innovative doctrines or cunning strategies. This paper attempts to fill a perceived gap in strategic studies analysis with respect to US–China naval conflict scenarios. The author is concerned that most Western analyses on the subject tend to be simplistic and unduly optimistic. The approach in this paper follows a “Chinese style” in that it examines the Asia-Pacific strategic balance as a series of interacting military campaigns. The results of the analysis yield that the US retains a strong advantage in certain warfare domains, to be sure. Yet, the assumption that the US military has a decisive advantage in the relevant scenarios becomes dubious in light of the potentially devastating blow against US and allied bases that could be made by PLA conventional missile forces. Moreover, a Chinese advantage in the use of offensive mine warfare, when combined with China's ability to prevent US and allied aerial anti-submarine forces from flying, could combine to roll back, or at least significantly limit, Washington's heretofore decisive undersea advantage.

Protocol to the Convention on the Prohibition of Bacteriological (Biological) Weapons – History, Main Provisions, Significance and Reasons for Not Signing

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-21
Keyword(s):  
Ad Hoc ◽  
The United States ◽  
Biological Weapons ◽  
Pharmaceutical Companies ◽  
Special Role ◽  
International Agreement ◽  
Us Military ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Weapons Control

Received 30 January 2021. Accepted for publication 20 March 2021 The Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on Their Destruction (BTWC) does not have a legally binding verification regime. An attempt by the Ad Hoc Group of Experts, created by the UN Committee on Disarmament, to strengthen the BTWC by developing a legally binding document – the Protocol, was blocked by the United States in July 2001. The purpose of this work is to study the history, main provisions, significance and reasons for not signing the Protocol to the BTWC. The attention is paid to the events in biological weapons control, which have led a number of countries to the understanding of the necessity to develop the Protocol. The background of the US actions to block this document is the subject of special consideration. During the Second Review Conference on the Implementation of the Convention (8–25 September 1986, Geneva) the USSR, the German Democratic Republic and the Hungarian People's Republic proposed to develop and adopt the Protocol as an addition to the BTWC. This document was supposed to establish general provisions, definitions of terms, lists of agents and toxins, lists of equipment that was present or used at production facilities, threshold quantities of biological agents designed to assess means and methods of protection. The proposed verification mechanism was based on three «pillars»: initial declarations with the basic information about the capabilities of each State Party; inspections to assess the reliability of the declarations; investigations to verify and confirm or not confirm the alleged non-compliance with the Convention. The verification regime was to be under the control of an international organization – the Organization for the Prohibition of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons. However, the US military and pharmaceutical companies opposed the idea of international inspections. The then US Undersecretary of State for Arms Control and International Security, John Robert Bolton II, played a special role in blocking the Protocol. During the Fifth Review Conference in December 2001, he demanded the termination of the Ad Hoc Group of Experts mandate for negotiations under the pretext that any international agreement would constrain US actions. The current situation with biological weapons control should not be left to chance. Measures to strengthen the BTWC should be developed, taking into account the new fundamental changes in dual-use biotechnology. It should be borne in mind, that the Protocol, developed in the 1990s, is outdated nowadays.

Project ‘Transparent Earth’ and the Autoscopy of Aerial Targeting

2011 ◽  
Vol 28 (7-8) ◽  
pp. 270-286 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ryan Bishop
Keyword(s):  
Gulf War ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
Us Military ◽  
Military Research ◽  
Main Challenge ◽  
Military Planning ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Subject ◽  
And Control

The import of underground facilities in military strategy in the US grew exponentially after the Gulf War. The success of precision-guided conventional missiles meant that any above-ground building or complex could be accurately targeted and destroyed, thus driving states with less sophisticated weapons to go underground to secure space for covert weapons development and the protection of command and control centres for military and governmental functions. Underground facilities have thus become the main challenge to objects of detection and targeting practices for US military research and development. This article provides a meditation on the underground in relation to military planning and technology, the limits of aerial visual control of terrain, the plans by the US military to counter underground defensive moves, the efficacy of tele-technologies to detect and destroy such installations at a distance, and an oblique genealogy of aerial and subterrestrial strategies in relation to technologies to overcome the limitations of each. In so doing, the article argues a deeply connected relationship between the imaginary and the material in attempts to realize a mastery of space and populations essential to military operations, thus posing questions about sensory perception, the status of the subject with regard to agency and control, and the prosthetic outfitting of the subject that both supports and blunts agency and control.

Liberty call at sunset: U.S. military retiree bars and the outsourced reproduction of ageing masculinities in Subic Bay, Philippines

2021 ◽  
pp. 147447402098724
Author(s):  
Mike Hawkins
Keyword(s):  
The Philippines ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Service Members ◽  
Military Installations ◽  
Service Workers ◽  
Reproductive Labor ◽  
Us Military ◽  
Military Retirees ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Cold War

This article examines the gendered service economy of bars and restaurants catering to ageing US military retirees in Olongapo City, Philippines. During the Cold War, Olongapo housed Subic Bay Naval Base, one of the largest overseas US military installations, and today thousands of former American service members have retired here. A focus on retiree bars reveals how Filipina bartenders and waitresses facilitate an ageing masculinity for these expatriates wherein men’s internalized senses of social, economic, and sexual marginality in the US are seemingly suspended or deferred in the Philippines. Geopolitical histories of US militarism in Asia-Pacific, unequal military basing agreements, and Subic’s so-called hospitality industry endure decades later to naturalize the hierarchies of accommodation between local hostesses and foreign customers. Drawing on – and further developing – geographic scholarship on ageing and masculinities and focusing on the so-called hospitality industry’s shift over time reveals the expectations placed on service workers to accommodate men’s changing needs and desires. Years after Subic’s closure, interviews with bartenders and customers illuminate how decades of entanglement with US militarism have outsourced some of the reproductive labor that sustains this population of ageing retirees in Subic. More than mere bodies sustaining and serving the outsourced needs of ageing service members, however, through bar work Filipina hostesses experience changes to their own geographies of belonging and leverage opportunities to realize their own dreams and desires. The relations in Subic’s retiree bars attest to US militarism’s intimate afterlives and its enduring dependence on the gendered and racialized labor of local populations.

scholarly journals Address to the Nation as a Genre of Military-Political Discourse

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 945-968
Author(s):  
Olga A. Solopova ◽  
Ksenia A. Naumova
Keyword(s):  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Modern Society ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
Call To Action ◽  
Us Military ◽  
Military Conflicts ◽  
The Us ◽  
Military Campaigns

The political rhetoric prevailing in democratic countries does not allow an open demonstration of commitment to military means of conflict resolution and, therefore, naturally gives rise to a special type of discourse, the linguistic and extralinguistic contexts of which are determined by the goal of initiating a war. This study aims to analyze the components of military-political discourse, as well as the ways they are implemented in the texts and the role they play in manipulating public opinion. The authors defines military-political discourse as the discourse of political elites accompanying various stages of military operations and developed to substantiate the need for their initiation based on the fundamental values of a particular society. The relevance of this study is determined both by the increased interest in military conflicts in modern society and by the insufficient study of military-political discourse in general. Address to the nation is one of the main genres of military-political discourse. The novelty of the research is determined by the authors approach to the analysis and interpretation of military-political discourse. The original texts of the addresses to the nation by B. Obama and D. Trump dedicated to the US military operations in Syria are used as the research material. The choice of these texts is due to their significant role in the coverage of the US Syrian campaign. Describing military-political discourse requires the use of a number of methods, namely descriptive and comparative methods, dictionary definitions and contextual analyses, as well as the method of critical discourse analysis. The authors established that, regardless of the administration in power, address to the nation as a genre of military-political discourse implies a certain scenario based on the following scheme: greeting - address to the nation agenda - description of US actions - description of violence (accusations) - description of the US role in the world - reference to previous military campaigns - call to action. The authors comes to the conclusion that each of these components plays a substantial role in the structure of military-political discourse and is realized through a certain set of discursive means that do not depend on the political preferences of a speaker.

The influence of US international military campaigns on the adoption of Goldwater-Nichols act and its consequences

2017 ◽  
pp. 110-117
Author(s):  
Oksana Manchulenko
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
National Defense ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
Joint Chiefs Of Staff ◽  
Us Military ◽  
Joint Forces ◽  
National Defense University ◽  
The Us ◽  
Chain Of Command ◽  
Military Campaigns

The Goldwater Nichols Act of 1986 was the most comprehensive and important defense reorganization legislation since its initial establishment in 1947. It has administrated the way the United States has organized, planned, and conducted military operations for the last thirty years. Despite this, a strong opposition movement organized primarily by Navy Secretary John F. Lehman, almost endangred the adoption of the mentioned above law. This opposition also included members of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, prominent Senators and Congressman, and Secretary of Defense Casper Weinberger. A ten year retrospective of the Act’s passage at the National Defense University (NDU) in 1999 detailed its six most significant achievements. The Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, as an individual, was designated the principal military advisor to the President and other senior officials. The Chairman was assigned new responsibilities in the areas of strategic planning, logistics, net assessments, joint doctrine, and joint programs and budgets. A Vice Chairman position, outranking the other chiefs was created to assist the Chairman and act as the Chairman in his or her absence. The Joint Staff was expanded beyond 400 members and placed directly under the control of the Chairman. The power and influence of the deployed unified commanders was also increased by providing them authority over subordinate commands in their areas of responsibility, especially regarding joint training, force organization, and force employment. Finally, the Joint Specialty Officer program was mandated. This program was designed to ensure the services assigned some of their highest quality officers to joint duty.”1 Nearly all in attendance at the 1999 NDU event concluded that passage of the legislation was a universal good. The subject of the article is the influence of international US military campaigns on the adoption of Goldwater-Nichols Act. This article tends to examine the background which led to the adoption of Goldwater Nichols Act, the opposition of the Marines and Navy against the aforementioned Act. The goal is to analyze the main changes brought in by the Goldwater-Nichols Act and their impact on the development of the US military. The phenomena concern “Joint Forces” and the increase of effective cooperation between the departments. The key provisions, which strengthened the position of the Secretary of Defense and outlined its role in the chain of command, will be evaluated. Keywords: Goldwater-Nichols Act, reorganization, conflict, Joint Chiefs of Staff, Department of Defense, unified commanders

scholarly journals Does the US program of Conventional Prompt Global Strike threaten Russian national security?

2016 ◽  
pp. 52-61
Author(s):  
E. Zvedre
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
National Security ◽  
Missile Defense ◽  
Effective Response ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Rogue States ◽  
Us Military ◽  
The Us ◽  
Ballistic Missile Defense ◽  
Strategic Balance

The article analyses a concept of Conventional Prompt Global Strike aimed at developing weapons systems that can deliver a conventional warhead anywhere in the world within an hour as a prioritized part of the US military strategy. The Pentagon planners believe that deployment of CPGS weapon would allow a selective and far more effective response to post-cold war threats, such as international terrorist networks, “rogue states” and other adversaries, thus drastically reducing reliance on nuclear deterrent in a number of situations. Over the years the Pentagon’s R&D activities in this area encompassed numerous established and emerging weapon technologies, including use of surface-launched and sea-launched strategic missiles and hypersonic glide vehicles. The CPGS program is raising serious concerns in Moscow, where Russian officials consider it as a threat to Russia’s strategic nuclear arsenals and national security interests alongside with the US plans to develop and deploy global ballistic missile defense capabilities and attack weapons in space. Moscow predicts it could undermine strategic balance and trigger a nonnuclear arms race.

scholarly journals US Pivot and Stability in the Asia Pacific Region

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 63
Author(s):  
Angel Damayanti
Keyword(s):  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Military Strategy ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
Asia Pacific Region ◽  
Multiple Responses ◽  
Us Military ◽  
The Us ◽  
Mutual Interest ◽  
Common Goals ◽  
The Impact

The US rebalancing strategy in Asia Pacific confirms the importance of AsiaPacific region particularly for the US and her interest. A rapid economicdevelopment in Asia Pacific states coupled with security dynamics thatpotentially triggers instability in the region have become driving factors forthe US involvement in the region. The US (re)-existence as well as her activeengagement obviously gives rise to multiple responses and leads to negativeperception. This article perceives that the US pivot in Asia Pacific including thestrengthening of US influence in the region might provoke tension particularlywith China. Nonetheless, a common and mutual interest in economic andsecurity has forced both states to self-restrain and develop strategicpartnership, which is essential to achieve their common goals together withother Asia Pacific states. To understand the US strategy and the impact of thestrategy, this article analyzes the US official documents as well as otherrelated states’ documents, and using the “post-modern states” approach toexplain the implication of US military strategy

Why Obama’s Rebalance towards Asia-Pacific Was Unsuccessful?

2018 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 87-105
Author(s):  
Xiaoyu Zhao
Keyword(s):  
Cost Benefit ◽  
Global Scale ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Asia Pacific Region ◽  
Policy Adjustment ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Strategic Influence ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Near Future

The Asia-Pacific rebalancing strategy has been the core of America’s global policy adjustment since the Obama Administration came into office. While this strategy has been the subject of great controversy since its implementation, it has made some progress and clearly generated benefits. Most importantly, it has strengthened the US strategic influence and strategic presence in the Asia-Pacific region, which has brought some pressure on China’s rise. This article holds that as the rebalancing strategy continues to progress, the USA has faced more increasing costs, including the huge financial pressures, the entrapment of regional alliances, the rising of the Sino– US strategic distrust, the abortion of the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the failure of strategic retrenchment in a global scale. These costs finally outweighed the benefits of the strategy. Therefore, from the perspective of cost–benefit, the grand strategy of rebalancing towards the Asia-Pacific was unsuccessful. Given this, the USA Asia-Pacific strategy may shift to limited retrenchment to maintain its strategic interests and hegemonic position while minimizing the strategic costs in the near future.

US brown water navy will be a key asset for Asia pivot

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Blue Water ◽  
Asia Pacific Region ◽  
Cost Overruns ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Us Military ◽  
The Us ◽  
Operational Capacity

Subject The US Navy's reorientation to the needs of the Asia-Pacific region. Significance One of the material foundations for the US military restructuring since the end of major counterinsurgency operations in Iraq and Afghanistan, and subsequent reorientation to the Asia-Pacific, has been the development of a 'brown water navy'. This is to operate in coastal areas (where the water can be brown with sediment from rivers) rather than the US navy's traditional strength in the open seas ('blue water'). However, budget battles and cost overruns threaten the ship built for this doctrine. Impacts Smaller ships should help the diplomatic relations of the 'pivot', as they are more likely to be sold to partner nations. Greater humanitarian operational capacity will also help US soft power in the region. However, the need for basing and re-supply could provide US allies greater leverage in aid negotiations.

Soldiers and Politics

2020 ◽  
pp. 141-158
Author(s):  
Phillip S. Meilinger
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
American Military ◽  
Us Military ◽  
The Us ◽  
Political Office ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Military ◽  
Military Tradition

When discussing the American military tradition, writers usually state that the US military has always been divorced from political affairs. Even cursory research into the subject reveals the opposite; the military has often played a major role in domestic politics, and for most of our history that role was considered normal and healthy. During the nineteenth century it was common practice for US generals to dabble in politics and to actually run for political office while still in uniform. Yet, such events are passed over lightly by historians, and many still write of an American military tradition stressing the noninvolvement of the military in politics throughout our history. That is a misreading of events, but the situation did change in the aftermath of World War II, especially around the time of the Vietnam War.

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