Why Obama’s Rebalance towards Asia-Pacific Was Unsuccessful?

2018 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 87-105
Author(s):  
Xiaoyu Zhao

The Asia-Pacific rebalancing strategy has been the core of America’s global policy adjustment since the Obama Administration came into office. While this strategy has been the subject of great controversy since its implementation, it has made some progress and clearly generated benefits. Most importantly, it has strengthened the US strategic influence and strategic presence in the Asia-Pacific region, which has brought some pressure on China’s rise. This article holds that as the rebalancing strategy continues to progress, the USA has faced more increasing costs, including the huge financial pressures, the entrapment of regional alliances, the rising of the Sino– US strategic distrust, the abortion of the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the failure of strategic retrenchment in a global scale. These costs finally outweighed the benefits of the strategy. Therefore, from the perspective of cost–benefit, the grand strategy of rebalancing towards the Asia-Pacific was unsuccessful. Given this, the USA Asia-Pacific strategy may shift to limited retrenchment to maintain its strategic interests and hegemonic position while minimizing the strategic costs in the near future.

2021 ◽  
pp. 135-153
Author(s):  
Vladimir Batyuk

Despite the critical attitude of the current American President towards his predecessor, the Trump administration actually continued the course of the Obama administration to turn the Asia-Pacific region into the most important priority of American foreign policy. Moreover, the US Asia-Pacific strategy was transformed under Trump into the Indo-Pacific strategy, when the Indian Ocean was added to the Asia-Pacific region in the US strategic thinking. The US Pacific command was renamed the Indo-Pacific command (May 2018), and the US Department of defense developed the Indo-Pacific strategy (published in June 2019). The Indo-Pacific strategy is an integral part of Trump’s national security strategy, according to which China, along with Russia, was declared US adversary. The American side complained about both the economic and military-political aspects of the Chinese presence in the Indo-Pacific region. At the same time, official Washington is no longer confident that it can cope with those adversaries, China and Russia, alone. Trying to implement the main provisions of the Indo-Pacific strategy, official Washington has staked not only on building up its military power in the Indo-Pacific, but also on trying to build an anti-Chinese system of alliances in this huge region. Along with such traditional American allies in the region as Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Thailand, the Philippines and Singapore, the American side in the recent years has made active attempts to attract India, Indonesia, Malaysia and Vietnam to this system of alliances as well. These American attempts, however, can only cause serious concerns not only in Beijing, but also in Moscow, thereby contributing to the mutual rapprochement of the Russian Federation and China. Meanwhile, the Russian-Chinese tandem is able to devalue American efforts to strategically encircle China, creating a strong Eurasian rear for the Middle Kingdom.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Waseem Ishaque ◽  
Syed Jawad Shah ◽  
Aman Ullah

Reza Shah Pahlavi laid the foundations of the Iranian nuclear quest in the 1950s by getting nuclear assistance under reciprocal arrangements in the US-sponsored Atom for Peace program. Iran is a signatory of the NonProliferation Treaty (NPT) since 1970, and by their perspective, all protocols under NPT have fully complied. The 1979 revolution in Iran proved a watershed in relations with the USA due to the hostage crisis and increased hostility, which resulted in economic sanctions and isolation. However, Iran covertly pursued its nuclear program, which remained the subject of international debate until the nuclear deal of 2015 aimed at limiting Irans nuclear capability for the lifting of sanctions and breaking isolation. On 16 January 2016, in response to Irans compliance with the provisions of the nuclear deal, all nuclear-related sanctions were lifted. President Trump since taking over office has repeatedly criticized the agreement and decertified it unilaterally. This article analyses implications on regional and global strategic management.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-58
Author(s):  
GLEB TOROPCHIN ◽  

The given article is dedicated to scrutinising the role of nuclear factor in the U.S. policy in the Asia Pacific region lately. The work is written based on the analysis of the official doctrinal documents defining U.S. foreign policy. The aim of the paper is defining the significance of the nuclear dimension in Washington’s Indo-Pacific strategy and trends in its evolution in late 2010s and early 2020s. The author dwells upon the features of conceptualising the term “Indo-Pacific” in the U.S. foreign policy strategy taking into account its transition from the expert discourse to the official one. Three layers of analysis are singled out: doctrinal, operational and institutional. Special attention is paid to the relations between the U.S. and its allies in the macroregion, including parties to the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (i.e. India, Japan and Australia), as well as other countries, such as South Korea. The influence of China’s growing power and its claims for regional and global leadership on the shift in Washington’s foreign policy is also unveiled. The author discovers a direct correlation between the role of the maritime constituent in the “Indo-Pacific security” and the intention of the U.S. to develop the sea and air components in its nuclear triad. Various directions of the U.S. advancing its nuclear forces in the Asia Pacific are shown, as well as the role of adjacent projects in the field of security (such as “Global ABM”). Apart from this, the article demonstrates the factors that might have an impact on the U.S. nuclear policy in the region during J. Biden’s presidency. An attempt is made to predict possible scenarios in the near future.


Author(s):  
Feng Zhang ◽  
Richard Ned Lebow

This chapter examines the policy mistakes that the Obama administration made in managing the Sino-American relationship. The Obama administration developed no distinct China strategy and was in fact averse to developing such a strategy. It chose to embed largely reactive China policies within a regional strategy of the so-called “pivot” or “rebalance” to the Asia-Pacific region. While China was relegated to a management issue, the rebalance strategy damaged the US-China relationship by deepening strategic mistrust between the two countries and agitating China to seek strategic adventures in Asia. The rebalance did not cause Chinese assertiveness by itself, but the geopolitical setting it created served to exacerbate China’s already fermenting assertive inclinations and prompted its strategic adventurism.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (6) ◽  
pp. 46
Author(s):  
Mohamed Kamal ◽  
Khalid Hashim Mohammed

The Middle East region is no longer enjoys the relative importance for the United States. This was due to the massive discoveries of Shale oil in the United States. Many analysts believe that such discovery led to the decline of the US interest in the Middle East and shifting the orientation towards Asia because of the growing importance of the Southeast Asia in the global economy. The United States, in return, has re-defined the role and the size of involvement in the Middle East by adopting a new strategy based on reducing economic and military consequences resulting from the direct investment in the region, which is rejected by US public opinion.


2015 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 417
Author(s):  
Jacques van Rhyn ◽  
Janelle Sadri

Historically, LNG has been sold through long-term contracts with limited flexibility in volume and price. LNG trade patterns have evolved significantly, adding to increased sales of multiple cargoes on the spot market, brokered trades and speculative trading positions being taken up by non-traditional players. Buyers in the Asia-Pacific region are keen to secure supply for local markets, while Australian producers, particularly subsidiaries of foreign headquartered groups, are under pressure to sell at competitive prices. From a transfer pricing perspective, the Australian Taxation Office (ATO) has placed increased scrutiny on the commerciality of arrangements, arm’s length outcomes and profit allocations between Australian taxpayers and their international related parties (e.g. marketing and trading hubs). This extended abstract covers: factors that could impact on the selection of a price index and the slope or gradient to be applied in pricing formulae; blended pricing based on an average of different indices, and why pooling and trading may make commercial sense, although revenue authorities may not look favourably upon it; the importance of the contractual terms, the market situation and the other commercial contract conditions on the pricing of related-party LNG sales; and, the value in potentially seeking an advanced pricing agreement in a related party LNG pricing context, given the significance of the transactions. Given the practical and commercial challenges facing the industry and with several projects commencing production in the relatively near future, this is very topical. The authors use case studies to illustrate the key concepts.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (6) ◽  
pp. 1627 ◽  
Author(s):  
Valery Salygin ◽  
Igbal Guliev ◽  
Natalia Chernysheva ◽  
Elizaveta Sokolova ◽  
Natalya Toropova ◽  
...  

This study reveals the current problems and prospects of developing shale oil and gas industries in the USA, Canada, Mexico, Poland, Russia, China, India, and Australia. This approach allows a comprehensive and wide view on the industry and its geography. A brief review of the technologies implemented in the shale industry is provided. The key aim of the paper is to compare the hydrocarbon market conjuncture and economic environment (including financial), in the above-mentioned states, in order to reveal the factors contributing to the development of the industry. The methodology is based on the statistical estimation of the extraction, exports, and reserves of extractable shale hydrocarbons. The analysis given allows the forecast and estimation of the economic effects and external institutional effects of shale hydrocarbon extraction. It also contributes to the evaluation of the prospects of shale industry development in America, the EU, Russia, and the Asia-Pacific region. In accordance with the overall impact the shale revolution has had on the economies, environmental conditions, and societies of the chosen countries, recommendations are provided. The authors develop three scenarios for the future of the shale industry. The most probable scenario is a slower dissemination of horizontal drilling, as well as tight oil and shale gas extraction, with the decline of conventional reserve volumes.


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