Anne-Marie Guillemard, Le déclin du social, Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1986, 396 pages, $CDN 43.35

Author(s):  
Louise Bérubé ◽  
Jacqueline C. Massé

ABSTRACTThis book is a sociological analysis of the different stakes on which the social politics of the aged have occurred in France during the period 1945–1985. In order to understand the social genesis of the politics of age, GuiUemard takes into account the dynamics of different social actors and, on the other hand, the autonomy of the state with respect to them. Analyzing these actors in relation to the autonomy of the state allows a comprehension of the different modalities of interventions in the field of aging. In so doing, the author shows that the same modes of intervention reflect, in the field of social relations, new forms of intergenerational relations.

2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 263-284
Author(s):  
Lothar Probst

The state election in Bremen in 2019 was marked by a head-to-head race between SPD and CDU and ended up with a considerably increased turnout and a historical result . The Christian Democrats managed to beat the Social Democrats for the first time in Bremen’s postwar history . The Greens achieved their second-best outcome in a Bremen state election and had the choice between a so-called Jamaica coalition or a left coalition . Whereas the pragmatic oriented Left Party succeeded to accomplish a two-digit result of 11 .3 percent, the Liberals and the Alternative of Germany underperformed with an outcome of about six percent of the votes . After a round of exploratory negotiations between Christian Democrats, Greens, and Liberals on the one hand and between Social Democrats, Greens, and The Left on the other hand, the rank and file of the Green Party decided to hold coalition talks with Social Democrats and the Left Party . Once the red-green-red coalition was built, the Senate’s president and SPD front-runner, Carsten Sieling, resigned . Instead, Andreas Bovenschulte became the Senate’s new president . Bovenschulte is a former chairman of Bremen’s Social Democrats and had already been elected to lead the SPD parliamentary party .


Artifex Novus ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 4-19
Author(s):  
Jerzy Kochanowski

Abstrakt: W konkluzji partyjnej komisji wysłanej w 1972 r. do Zakopanego stwierdzano, że „państwo w Zakopanem zostało postawione w sytuacji gorszej niż w kapitalizmie, bowiem zostało zepchnięte na pozycje nawet nie nocnego stróża, ale bezpłatnego dróżnika i zamiatacza ulic”. Na tę swoistą „autonomię Podhala miały wpływ uwarunkowania historyczne, społeczne, kulturowe i geograficzne, typowe dla społeczeństw (wysoko)górskich na całym świecie. Z drugiej strony ważnym aktorem było pod Tatrami również państwo, które od początku lat 50. do końca lat 80. XX w. próbowało objąć ścisłym nadzorem turystykę i sport, sektory decydujące o wizerunku i znaczeniu Zakopanego i regionu tatrzańskiego. Polityka taka napotykała jednak na szczeblu regionalnym na bardzo silne ograniczenia i sprzeciwy. Z jednej strony przyczyną tego stanu rzeczy były specyficzne sieci społeczne łączące sektor prywatny ze strukturami samorządowymi, państwowymi i partyjnymi, a nawet z milicją i wymiarem sprawiedliwości. Z drugiej zaś tylko dzięki przymknięciu oczu na często sprzeczną z obowiązującym prawem aktywność gospodarczą aktorów społecznych, zarówno górali, jak i przyjezdnych, było możliwe – przy niewydolności organizacyjnej państwa – zaspokajanie rosnących błyskawicznie po 1956 r. potrzeb modernizującego się społeczeństwa na usługi rekreacyjne. Dopiero w pierwszej połowie lat 70. socjalistyczne państwo było w stanie, dzięki zwiększonemu finansowaniu, zapewnić w miarę racjonalny rozwój infrastruktury turystycznej (np. Hotel Kasprowy). Jednak już od drugiej połowy lat 70. strukturalny kryzys systemu i w następnej dekadzie jego całkowita dezintegracja doprowadziły do sytuacji, w której instytucje państwowe musiały ustąpić pola aktorom społecznym. Summary: The conclusion of the state commission addressed in 1972 to Zakopane was: “in Zakopane, the state is in a position worse than in capitalism. It has been reduced to the role of not even a night-watchman, but of an unpaid street-sweeper”. The peculiar “autonomy” of Podhale-Region was affected by historical, social, cultural and geographical conditions that are usually mentioned, on the other hand the state was also an important actor and nowise ambiguous. The tendency to take a strict supervision of sectors decisive for the image and the importance of Zakopane and the Tatra region – tourism and sport, existed at the central level since the mid of ‘50s to the ‘80s, but at the regional level, the policy encountered very strong limitations. On the one hand, the reason for that was the emergence of specific social networks linking the private sector with the structures of local government, state and party, or even with the police and judicatory, on the other only thanks to them it was possible – under the organizational inefficiency of the state – to fulfill the modernizing society needs for leisure and related services, that were instantly growing after 1956. Only in the first half of 70s the socialist state was able to provide a relatively rational program, thanks to being an influential factor for modernization mostly thanks to still being in disposal of material resources. However, in the period of disintegration of the system, in the end of ‘70s and in the ‘80s, state’s program was no longer a barrier and alternative for the social actors.


2007 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 24-35
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Wach

The paper presents the synthetic diagnosis of the social and economical situation of thestudied region, especially referring to the state and development tendencies of small and me-dium-sized enterprises in dynamic perspective, that is in years 2001–2005. The author presentsconditions for small and medium-sized enterprises’ functioning and development, which are laidin regional business environment, on the other hand he focuses on developmental tendenciesof SMEs sector in the studied region.


2020 ◽  
pp. 016344372095788
Author(s):  
Trust Matsilele ◽  
Pedzisai Ruhanya

Dissidents exist in every nation, always have, and perhaps always will – existing in that risky space between being patriots and being enemies of the state. Social media, on the other hand, is a fairly recent tool of communication defined by its heightened ductility in the hands of users. The admixture of social media and political dissidence has thrown many governments in a ceaseless panic, reflected in the raft of legislation enacted to control and constrain cyber activities. This paper studied the ‘social media dissidence’ phenomenon in Zimbabwe in the period 2016 within the context of digital media and the publics in Africa. The periodization understudy is noticeable because it bore witness to a variety of unsettling acts by individuals that provoked panicked responses from the state. Using qualitative data drawn from Facebook and Twitter and deploying Mamdani’s citizen and subject, the study examines the nature of the born-digital dissidence in a sample of two cases, #ThisFlag and #Tajamuka. The paper establishes the possibilities and limitations of deploying social media as a tool for expressing protest and dissidence. The study found that social media dissidence is marked by constant fluidity, transmogrification, crests, and troughs.


Author(s):  
Marcio Luis Costa ◽  
Alex Silva Messias

Nas últimas décadas se observa o retorno da religião sob forma de fundamentalismo religioso, utilizando a mídia e instrumentos de pressão política para fazer valer suas crenças, pois diante do receio ao questionamento, os fundamentalistas veem no “outro”, no diferente, uma ameaça a ser combatida e, em alguns casos, extirpada para preservar suas convicções. O presente estudo tem por objetivo discutir as tendências sócio-políticas do fundamentalismo religioso cristão. Para tanto, com método bibliográfico narrativo, visitamos alguns autores em nível nacional e internacional, que abordam as condições que fizeram emergir o fenômeno social do fundamentalismo religioso, sua estruturação e atuação, até suas demandas sócio-políticas. Os resultados apontam que quando se identifica e transfere qualquer responsabilidade pessoal e histórica para as forças externas, o “outro”, entendido como pessoa e/ou instituição, não podemos negar que esse processo alcança dimensões de problema social. Notamos algumas tendências como mudança de movimento religioso para ideologia acirrada, da postura de fiel para militância, do “ad intra” das religiões para demandas “ad extra”, dos altares e púlpitos para ocupações políticas.Palavras-chave: Fundamentalismo Religioso; Protestante; Católico. CHRISTIAN RELIGIOUS FUNDAMENTALISM: SOCIAL-POLITICS TENDENCIESAbstractIn the last decades the return of religion in religious fundamentalism form can be observed, using media and instruments of political pressure, because when facing the fear of questioning, fundamentalists see in the “other”, in the different, a threat to be stopped and, in some cases, extirpated top preserve their convictions.  This study aims to discuss the social-politics tendencies of the Christian religious fundamentalism. For that, with the narrative bibliographic method, we visited some authors of national and international level, that approach the conditions that caused the emergence of the religious fundamentalism social phenomenon, its structure and role, until its social-politics demand. The results show that when any personal or historical responsibility is identified and transferred to external forces, the “other”, understood as person and/or institution, we cannot deny this process reaches dimensions of social problem. We notice some tendencies such as the change of the religious movement to fierce ideology, from the posture of faithful to militancy, from “ad intra” of religions to “ad extra” demands, from the altars and pulpits to political positions.Keywords: Religious Fundamentalism; Protestant; Catholic.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 90
Author(s):  
Dian Septiandani ◽  
Abd. Shomad

Zakat is one of principal worship requiring every individual (<em>mukallaf</em>) with considerable property to spend some of the wealth for zakat under several conditions applied within. On the other hand, tax is an obligation assigned to taxpayers and should be deposited into the state based on policies applied, with no direct return as reward, for financing the national general expense. In their development, both zakat and tax had quite attention from Islamic economic thought. Nevertheless, we, at first, wanted to identify the principles of zakat and tax at the time of Rasulullah SAW. Therefore, this study referred to normative research. The primary data was collected through library/document research and the secondary one was collected through literature review by inventorying and collecting textbooks and other documents related to the studied issue.


Vox Patrum ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 55 ◽  
pp. 361-373
Author(s):  
Maciej Kokoszko ◽  
Katarzyna Gibel-Buszewska

The present article focuses on one of the Greek delicacies mentioned by Photius and Eustathius, i.e. a Lydian import called kandaulos/kandylos. The dish was developed before the mid. VI th c. BC and named after a Lydian king, Kandaules, who ruled in the VII th c. BC. The delicacy was (via the Ionians) borrowed by the Helens and established itself in Greece sometime in the V th c. It became popular in Hellenistic times. The information we possess allow us to reconstruct two varieties of kandaulos/ kandylos. The first was savoury and consisted of cooked meat, stock, Phrygian cheese, breadcrumbs and dill (or fennel). The other included milk, lard, cheese and honey. The dish is reported to have been costly, prestigious and indicating the social status of those who would eat it. Though there is much evidence suggesting its popularity in antiquity, we lack solid evidence proving that kaunaudlos/kandylos was eaten in Byzantine times. On the other hand, Byzantine authors preserved the most detailed literary data on the delicacy. If it had not been for the Byzantine interest, our competence in the field of Greek cuisine would be even faultier.


Südosteuropa ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 68 (3) ◽  
pp. 408-431
Author(s):  
Irena Petrović ◽  
Marija Radoman

AbstractThe authors analyze the changes in value patterns—patriarchy, authoritarianism and nationalism—in Serbia in the context of the social changes that have marked the postsocialist transformation period. They focus on the extent and intensity of two sub-patterns within each of these three basic value patterns: private and public patriarchy, general and specific authoritarianism, organic (natural) and ethnic nationalism. The conclusions about changes in these value patterns are drawn on the basis of three empirical studies conducted in 2003, 2012, and 2018. They show the prevalence of private patriarchy, general authoritarianism, and organic (natural) nationalism over their counterparts. Private patriarchy has weakened, which is largely to be explained by the significant structural changes in Serbia. On the other hand, support of general authoritarianism and organic (natural) nationalism has been on the rise, which clearly mirrors the unfavorable economic and political situation in the country.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (14) ◽  
pp. 7582
Author(s):  
Evgenii Gusev ◽  
Alexey Sarapultsev ◽  
Desheng Hu ◽  
Valeriy Chereshnev

The COVID-19 pandemic examines not only the state of actual health care but also the state of fundamental medicine in various countries. Pro-inflammatory processes extend far beyond the classical concepts of inflammation. They manifest themselves in a variety of ways, beginning with extreme physiology, then allostasis at low-grade inflammation, and finally the shockogenic phenomenon of “inflammatory systemic microcirculation”. The pathogenetic core of critical situations, including COVID-19, is this phenomenon. Microcirculatory abnormalities, on the other hand, lie at the heart of a specific type of general pathological process known as systemic inflammation (SI). Systemic inflammatory response, cytokine release, cytokine storm, and thrombo-inflammatory syndrome are all terms that refer to different aspects of SI. As a result, the metabolic syndrome model does not adequately reflect the pathophysiology of persistent low-grade systemic inflammation (ChSLGI). Diseases associated with ChSLGI, on the other hand, are risk factors for a severe COVID-19 course. The review examines the role of hypoxia, metabolic dysfunction, scavenger receptors, and pattern-recognition receptors, as well as the processes of the hemophagocytic syndrome, in the systemic alteration and development of SI in COVID-19.


Early China ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 241-277 ◽  
Author(s):  
Constance A. Cook

Bronze Inscriptions of the Western Zhou period show how ritualists were once dedicated to maintaining the ritual apparatus supporting the divine authority of the royal Zhou lineage. Bronze and bamboo texts of the Eastern Zhou period reveal, on the other hand, that ritualists able to manipulate local rulers reliant on their knowledge subsequently subverted power into their own hands. Ritualists such as scribes, cooks, and artisans were involved in the transmission of Zhou “power” through the creation and use of inscribed bronze vessels during feasts. The expansion and bureaucratization of their roles in the Chu state provided economic and ultimately political control of the state. This was particularly the case as the Chu, like the Zhou before them, fled east to escape western invaders.


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