Why We Need a Just Rebellion Theory

2013 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 401-411
Author(s):  
Valerie Morkevicius

The Arab Spring has generated a variety of responses from the West. While broad political support was voiced for uprisings in Egypt, Tunisia, and Yemen, the responses to protests in Bahrain and Morocco were muted. The swift decision to intervene in Libya stands in marked contrast to the ongoing hand-wringing on Syria. While political realists might see these contradictions as evidence that geopolitical concerns determine foreign policy, from an ethical point of view these responses also reveal a fundamental tension in Western thinking about rebellion. On one hand, rebellion is viewed with a distrustful eye—as a disruptive, chaotic force that threatens to destroy the day-to-day order on which civilization is built. On the other, rebellion is perceived more optimistically—as a regenerative, creative force that can leave a better civilization in its wake. These two radically disparate ways of thinking about rebellion have deep philosophical and theological roots. The pessimistic view has historically dominated just war thought, as James Turner Johnson's contribution to this roundtable illustrates; whereas the perspective of Enlightenment liberalism offers a more optimistic judgment, as found, for example, in the works of Locke and Rousseau.

Author(s):  
Anna D. Bertova ◽  

Prominent Japanese economist, specialist in colonial politics, a professor of Im­perial Tokyo University, Yanaihara Tadao (1893‒1961) was one of a few people who dared to oppose the aggressive policy of Japanese government before and during the Second World War. He developed his own view of patriotism and na­tionalism, regarding as a true patriot a person who wished for the moral develop­ment of his or her country and fought the injustice. In the years leading up to the war he stated the necessity of pacifism, calling every war evil in the ultimate, divine sense, developing at the same time the concept of the «just war» (gisen­ron), which can be considered good seen from the point of view of this, imper­fect life. Yanaihara’s theory of pacifism is, on one hand, the continuation of the one proposed by his spiritual teacher, the founder of the Non-Church movement, Uchimura Kanzo (1861‒1930); one the other hand, being a person of different historical period, directly witnessing the boundless spread of Japanese militarism and enormous hardships brought by the war, Yanaihara introduced a number of corrections to the idealistic theory of his teacher and proposed quite a specific explanation of the international situation and the state of affairs in Japan. Yanai­hara’s philosophical concepts influenced greatly both his contemporaries and successors of the pacifist ideas in postwar Japan, and contributed to the dis­cussion about interrelations of pacifism and patriotism, and also patriotism and religion.


1897 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 485-549
Author(s):  
M. Gaster

More marvellous and more remarkable than the real conquests of Alexander are the stories circulated about him, and the legends which have clustered round his name and his exploits. The history of Alexander has, from a very early period, been embellished with legends and tales. They spread from nation to nation during the whole of the ancient times, and all through the Middle Ages. Many scholars have followed up the course of this dissemination of the fabulous history of Alexander. It would, therefore, be idle repetition of work admirably done by men like Zacher, Wesselofsky, Budge, and others, should I attempt it here. All interested in the legend of Alexander are familiar with those works, where also the fullest bibliographical information is to be found. I am concerned here with what may have appeared to some of these students as the bye-paths of the legend, and which, to my mind, has not received that attention which is due to it, from more than one point of view. Hitherto the histories of Alexander were divided into two categories; the first were those writings which pretended to give a true historical description of his life and adventures, to the exclusion of fabulous matter; the other included all those fabulous histories in which the true elements were smothered under a great mass of legendary matter, the chief representative of this class being the work ascribed to a certain Callisthenes. The study of the legend centred in the study of the vicissitudes to which this work of (Pseudo-) Callisthenes had been exposed, in the course of its dissemination from the East, probably from its native country, Egypt, to the countries of the West.


Philosophy ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 78 (3) ◽  
pp. 337-354 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. W. Moore

The author begins with an outline of Bernard William's moral philosophy, within which he locates William's notorious doctrine that reflection can destroy ethical knowledge. He then gives a partial defence of this doctrine, exploiting an analogy between ethical judgements and tensed judgements. The basic idea is that what the passage of time does for the latter, reflection can do for the former: namely, prevent the re-adoption of an abandoned point of view (an ethical point of view in the one case, a temporal point of view in the other). In the final section the author says a little about how reflection might do this.


Author(s):  
Joseph Prijotomo

<p>‘Space’ and ‘Better living’ are continuing issues and discourse in architecture. It covers as large as philosophical to practical ones. We may find, for instance, issues in space as one of construction of mind in one extreme, and space as one of volume in certain magnitude at its other extreme. In terms of better living we may also find similar extremes. We may also find that since the times of modern era, space is practically considered as volume of certain magnitude, as is exemplified in a number of standards of areas needed for particular activity;<br />while in terms of better living the focus is in comfort that should be provided in particular room. Unfortunately, we –the Indonesians-- hardly aware and realize that they are not only of western sources, but more importantly, of western mindset. Since they are beautifully and neatly concealed under one objectivity of mind and reason, science, most of us know and accept them as the objective and correct standards. The fact that the West (ie. Europe and North America) are region with four seasons climate system has unavoidably underlies the building of those standards and knowledge. Indonesia and other tropical areas of the world is not region in such a four seasons climate system; it is in a two seasons climate system. This two climate seasons is not simply a variant of climate system; it is of ‘the other’ climate system, as will be demonstrated in this paper. Hence, we may consider this paper as talking about space for better living’ from the point of view of climate system.</p><p>The clock remains ticking, While the ideals of having architecture that serves better living is always at hand, we are confronted with the question whose living: the wealthy few or every single people, the elite or the common and the elite people. To the four season climate system, living with artificial climate is not incorrect; even the attitude of taking aside the climate is understandable. To the two season climate system, living with natural climate is also not incorrect; and the attitude of optimizing the natural climate is understandable. These two climate system is fundamentally different, and it must be a fatal mistake and fundamental incorrectness to deal with one as a variant of the other. The fact that our knowledge in two season climate system is very poor, that does not mean that this system be discarded.</p><p>The call for architecture for better living is demanding a definite respond: a denial (and ultimately, elimination) of two season climate system, or an equal, yet distinct, both two and four season climate system. The former is quite easy while the latter requires hard work. The former will make architecture in Indonesia serves the wealthy few, while the latter will serves the whole people of Indonesia.</p>


2019 ◽  
pp. 141-152
Author(s):  
Sophia Moskalenko ◽  
Clark McCauley

The Arab Spring brought to the front pages of Western newspapers stories of people who were hailed as martyrs by Muslims and accepted as such by the West. Two such cases are detailed in this chapter, one of a Tunisian self-immolator who started the Arab Spring; the other of a victim of the Iranian regime’s crackdown on the Green Revolution. The authors use these cases to build on the previous chapter in further exploration of the purposes and pitfalls of misusing the term “martyr.” These cases illuminate the power a word can have over mass politics and individual psychological reactions.


2005 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 647-670
Author(s):  
Thierry Hentsch

It is generally accepted that a power relation is at the base of every negotiation and that, to the extent possible, each State attempts to negotiate when that relation is the most weighted in its favour, especially if the subject matter of negotiation is perceived by it as being of vital importance. Over several years all of Israel's neighbours, Egypt among them, obstinately refused to negotiate (at least openly) with the Zionist State apparently counting on an improvement in the power relation in their favour. An improvement moreover that eventually seemed possible with the relative yet nonetheless important successes of the October 1973 war. The enigma that Sadat's policy constitutes from this vantage point resides precisely in the fact that that policy appears to upset the power relation that made the October War possible and that led to Israel's first setback. The economic difficulties and reorientation of the Egyptian regime (both towards the West and towards private enterprise) do not, by themselves, explain what is referred to as Egypt’s « defeatist » diplomacy. This diplomacy also reflects a strategic coherency that can only be understood within the historical perspective of the Arab-Israeli conflict and by undertaking a rigourous analysis of Zionism and its principal sources of political support. Sadat, by a paradoxical exploitation of a position of weakness, attempts to transform politically that relative weakness into a position of strength in order to wrest from Israel that which the Arabs have not succeeded in obtaining by armed force. He pursues the war, but by the other means. Nevertheless, the success of these means depends to a great extent on the attitudes of the other countries of the battlefield.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 81-83
Author(s):  
Serhii Zasiekin ◽  
Solomiia Vakuliuk

The paper is focused on the issues of machine translation ethics. The goal of the present study is to discuss the role of neural machine translation tools from an ethical point of view and their impact on humans. Although traditionally ethics of translation is viewed in terms of sameness and difference, it is human translator who is a party to ethics of translation. It is discussed that translators should rely on technology as a helpful leverage in their job, since it allows them to be faster and more productive. On the other hand, we take an interest in examining the extent to which translation technology tools are given power. Neural machine translators can be unsupervised by humans, therefore viewed as a party to ethics of translation.


2010 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 211-227
Author(s):  
Tuomas Hovi

This article is about Dracula tourism in Romania and how it may be seen as pilgrimage. The author approaches this connection especially through the place myth of Transylvania and through the status Transylvania has in Western popular culture. The subject is approached purely from a ‘Western’ point of view, that is, in this article Romania, although a member of the EU and NATO, is treated not as part of the West but part of the East. This is due to the fact that in Western popular culture Romania and especially Transylvania have always been portrayed as the Other in relation to the West. Western popular culture plays a significant role in Dracula tourism.


Author(s):  
David Abulafia

While the war between Athens and Sparta for control of the Aegean was at its peak, other conflicts, further to the west, embroiled Greek cities in struggles for their life. Carthage was as significant a naval power in its sector of the Mediterranean as Athens was further to the east. In 415, the Carthaginians were content to look on while the Athenians attacked Syracuse. They could see that the Greeks were divided among themselves and too busy squabbling to turn their attention against the Phoenician trading stations on Sicily. From their point of view, anything that weakened Greek power in Sicily was welcome. On the other hand, the destruction of the Athenian forces posed a new problem, to which they found themselves responding rapidly. Not for the first time the Syracusans threatened to dominate the island. However, the real troublemakers proved once again to be the Elymian inhabitants of Segesta, who, not content with the havoc they had wreaked by calling in the Athenians, now appealed to Carthage for help against their old rivals, the Greeks of Selinous. The Carthaginians had good reason to support Segesta. It lay in an area dotted with Punic, that is Phoenician, colonies, notably Panormos (Palermo) and Motya. When in 410 the Segestans offered to become dependants of Carthage in return for protection, the Carthaginian assembly realized that the time had come to consolidate their city’s hold on western Sicily. The Segestan appeal marked a decisive moment in the transformation from a loose confederation of allies and trading stations presided over by Carthage to a Carthaginian empire that included among its subjects not just fellow-Phoenicians but subject peoples – ‘Libyans’, as the Berbers of North Africa were called by Greek writers, Elymians, Sikels and Sikans in Sicily, not to mention Sards and Iberians. There were other, personal factors at work among the Carthaginian elite, for the city was at this time controlled by a group of powerful dynasties that dominated its Senate. A prominent Carthaginian with the common name Hannibal is said to have conceived a passionate hatred for all Greeks after his grandfather Hamilcar was killed in battle against the Syracusan army at Himera in 480 BC.


2021 ◽  
pp. medethics-2021-107230
Author(s):  
Jan Bollen ◽  
Kris Vissers ◽  
Walther van Mook

In this article, we want to reply to the recent article by Buturovic, to be able to correct some statements and allegations about this combined procedure. Organ donation after euthanasia is an extremely difficult procedure from an ethical point of view. On the one hand, we see a suffering patient who wants to die but who also wants to make an altruistic effort to donate his organs. On the other hand, we visualise a patient in need of an organ but who is wary of the fact that someone else needs to die in order to potentially receive a transplant organ. Healthcare professionals seem to walk a tightrope when balancing between the interests of the patients at these two extremes: while facilitating the dying patient’s last wish on the one hand and abiding by all regulations regarding donation and transplantation on the other. Yet, these physicians, nurses and transplant coordinators do their utmost best to keep a strict line between euthanasia and organ donation, to avoid any external pressure on the patient, and to respect his autonomy. They really make an utmost attempt to make the process bearable for the donating patient. However, undeniably the patient who is about to undergo organ donation after euthanasia is nevertheless confronted with dozens of feelings and thoughts. However, this does not imply that procedural safeguards are failing to disentangle organ donation from euthanasia.


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