Constitutional Choices: Political Parties, Groups, and Prohibition Politics in the United States

2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 609-634
Author(s):  
Aaron J. Ley ◽  
Cornell W. Clayton

Abstract:Traditional accounts of the Eighteenth and Twenty-first Amendments to the U.S. Constitution largely ignore the role of the major political parties. We argue that partisan politics was an integral part of the constitutional politics of this period. The need to manage divisions within both parties’ electoral coalitions during the transition from the third to the fourth-party systems led to the enactment of the Eighteenth Amendment without support from either national party. While most accounts trace prohibition’s demise to widespread noncompliance and the graft it generated, we argue that elite congressional support for prohibition gave way when civil service reforms removed federal prohibition agents as patronage resources. We also argue that by giving states control of designing state conventions, and thereby risking state malapportionment of conventions, Democrats succeeded in overcoming the traditional fissures that divided their southern and northern wings.

2009 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Hopkin

This article addresses the relationship between political decentralization and the organization of political parties in Great Britain and Spain, focusing on the Labour Party and the Socialist Party, respectively. It assesses two rival accounts of this relationship: Caramani's `nationalization of politics' thesis and Chhibber and Kollman's rational choice institutionalist account in their book The Formation of National Party Systems. It argues that both accounts are seriously incomplete, and on occasion misleading, because of their unwillingness to consider the autonomous role of political parties as advocates of institutional change and as organizational entities. The article develops this argument by studying the role of the British Labour Party and the Spanish Socialists in proposing devolution reforms, and their organizational and strategic responses to them. It concludes that the reductive theories cited above fail to capture the real picture, because parties cannot only mitigate the effects of institutional change, they are also the architects of these changes and shape institutions to suit their strategic ends.


2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 477-502 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mariano Torcal ◽  
Fabiola Mota

This article discusses how nationalist regional and state-wide parties, responding to different sub-national party systems dynamics, contribute similarly to interregional and individual public opinion disagreements about the model of the state in new, successfully decentralized democracies. Using individual survey data and other regional-level aggregate measures to perform a multilevel analysis in the 17 Spanish regions, we will show that both types of parties (non- and state-wide parties), following certain sub-national party system dynamics, are a very important influential and conditional factor in explaining the individual preferences adopted by citizens regarding the model of the state, despite the generally positive evaluation of the performance of new decentralized institutions by a large majority of Spaniards. These different positions are producing a persistent inter-individual conflict among Spaniards that have also a strong interregional component.


2006 ◽  
Vol 203 (7) ◽  
pp. 1637-1642 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shixin Qin ◽  
Haichao Wang ◽  
Renqi Yuan ◽  
Hui Li ◽  
Mahendar Ochani ◽  
...  

Severe sepsis, a lethal syndrome after infection or injury, is the third leading cause of mortality in the United States. The pathogenesis of severe sepsis is characterized by organ damage and accumulation of apoptotic lymphocytes in the spleen, thymus, and other organs. To examine the potential causal relationships of apoptosis to organ damage, we administered Z-VAD-FMK, a broad-spectrum caspase inhibitor, to mice with sepsis. We found that Z-VAD-FMK–treated septic mice had decreased levels of high mobility group box 1 (HMGB1), a critical cytokine mediator of organ damage in severe sepsis, and suppressed apoptosis in the spleen and thymus. In vitro, apoptotic cells activate macrophages to release HMGB1. Monoclonal antibodies against HMGB1 conferred protection against organ damage but did not prevent the accumulation of apoptotic cells in the spleen. Thus, our data indicate that HMGB1 production is downstream of apoptosis on the final common pathway to organ damage in severe sepsis.


1975 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 18-21
Author(s):  
Gerald J. Bender

In addition to our discussions today of the current situation in Angola, I would like to direct my remarks to the question of what role, if any, the United States should play with regard to Angola, and concretely, how the Congress can assist in the formulation and execution of a responsible American policy toward Angola. We have all learned a number of important lessons from recent revelations about the conduct of American policy in Southeast Asia, about Government coverups such as Watergate, corporate bribery of foreign officials and political parties, and about the illegal and unacceptable activities of the CIA as described in the Rockefeller Commission report and elsewhere. Certainly we can apply some of these lessons to our present consideration of U.S. policy toward Angola; hopefully we will learn the vital facts and ask the necessary questions now, rather than, as has too often been the case, after the fact.


2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aaron S. Benjamin ◽  
Hal Pashler

Recent years have seen an increased push toward the standardization of education in the United States. At the federal level, both major national political parties have generally supported the institution of national guidelines known as Common Core—a curriculum developed by states and by philanthropic organizations. A key component of past and present educational reform measures has been standardization of tests. However, increased reliance upon tests has elicited criticism, limiting their popular acceptance and widespread adoption. Tests are not only useful for assessment purposes, however. The goal of this article is to review evidence from the recent literature in psychology that indicates that tests produce direct educational benefits for students. A reconsideration of how and how many tests are implemented based on these principles may help soften the focus on testing solely as a means of assessment and help promote wider recognition of the role of tests as potent instructional interventions.


2021 ◽  

Many contemporary party organizations are failing to fulfill their representational role in contemporary democracies. While political scientists tend to rely on a minimalist definition of political parties (groups of candidates that compete in elections), this volume argues that this misses how parties can differ not only in degree but also in kind. With a new typology of political parties, the authors provide a new analytical tool to address the role of political parties in democratic functioning and political representation. The empirical chapters apply the conceptual framework to analyze seventeen parties across Latin America. The authors are established scholars expert in comparative politics and in the cases included in the volume. The book sets an agenda for future research on parties and representation, and it will appeal to those concerned with the challenges of consolidating stable and programmatic party systems in developing democracies.


2016 ◽  
Vol 227 ◽  
pp. 653-673 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alessandro Russo

AbstractA number of prolonged political experiments in Chinese factories during the Cultural Revolution proved that, despite any alleged “historical” connection between the Communist Party and the “working class,” the role of the workers, lacking a deep political reinvention, was framed by a regime of subordination that was ultimately not dissimilar from that under capitalist command. This paper argues that one key point of Deng Xiaoping's reforms derived from taking these experimental results into account accurately but redirecting them towards the opposite aim, an even more stringent disciplining of wage labour. The outcome so far is a governmental discourse which plays an important role in upholding the term “working class” among the emblems of power, while at the same time nailing the workers to an unconditional obedience. The paper discusses the assumption that, while this stratagem is one factor behind the stabilization of the Chinese Communist Party, it has nonetheless affected the decline of the party systems inherited from the 20th century.


2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 1076-1077
Author(s):  
Radhika Desai

The Formation of National Party Systems: Federalism and Party Competition in Canada, Great Britain, India, and the United States, Pradeep K. Chhibber and Ken Kollman, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004, pp. xvi, 276.Mining electoral data to arrive at theories about the relationship between political party performance and party system determination and electoral and governmental institutions forms the main stream of political science. And one of its most enduring puzzles is the explanation of the patterns and diversities of party systems. With the famous “Duverger's Law” about single-member plurality systems and two-party political systems forming its point of departure, political scientists have attempted to substantiate their discipline's status as a “science” by producing theories about relationships between measurable political variables.


1989 ◽  
Vol 83 (3) ◽  
pp. 729-750 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert S. Erikson ◽  
Gerald C. Wright ◽  
John P. McIver

When comparing states in the United States, one finds little correlation between state opinion and party control of the state legislature or between party control and state policy. Although these low correlations seeming to indicate that partisan politics is irrelevant to the representation process, the opposite is true. State opinion influences the ideological positions of state parties, and parties' responsiveness to state opinion helps to determine their electoral success. Moreover, parties move toward the center once in office. For these reasons, state electoral politics is largely responsible for the correlation between state opinion and state policy.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Min-Shan Chen ◽  
Yuan-Hung Lo ◽  
Xi Chen ◽  
Christopher Williams ◽  
Jessica Donnelly ◽  
...  

AbstractColorectal cancer (CRC) is the third most common cancer and the third leading cause of cancer death in the United States, causing about 50,000 deaths each year. Growth Factor-Independent 1 (GFI1) is a critical zinc finger transcriptional repressor responsible for controlling secretory cell differentiation in the small intestine and colon. GFI1 plays a significant role in the development of human malignancies, including leukemia, lung cancer and prostate cancer. However, the role of GFI1 in CRC progression is largely unknown. Our results demonstrate that RNA and protein expression of GFI1 are reduced in advanced stages of non-mucinous CRC. Subcutaneous tumor models demonstrated that the re-expression of GFI1 in 4 different human CRC cell lines inhibits tumor growth by 25-60%. To further investigate the role of Gfi1 in de novo colorectal tumorigenesis, we developed transgenic mice harboring a deletion of Gfi1 in the distal intestine driven by the CDX2cre (Gfi1F/F; CDX2cre/+) and crossed them with ApcMin/+ mice (ApcMin/+; Gfi1F/F; CDX2cre/+). Loss of Gfi1 significantly increased the total number of colorectal adenomas compared to littermate controls with an APC mutation alone. Furthermore, we found that compound (ApcMin/+; Gfi1F/F; CDX2cre/+) mice develop both adenomas as well as carcinoid-like tumors expressing the neuroendocrine marker chromogranin A, a feature that has not been previously described in APC-mutant tumors in mice. Collectively, these results demonstrate that Gfi1 deficiency promotes colorectal tumorigenesis, and suggest that loss of Gfi1 may promote formation of carcinoid cancers of the large intestines.SignificanceThese findings reveal that GFI1 functions as a tumor suppressor gene in colorectal tumorigenesis.


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