scholarly journals The Stability and Consolidation of the Francoist Regime. The Case of Eastern Andalusia, 1936–1950

2010 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-59
Author(s):  
FRANCISCO COBO ROMERO ◽  
MIGUEL ÁNGEL DEL ARCO BLANCO ◽  
TERESA MARÍA ORTEGA LÓPEZ

AbstractThe stabilisation and longevity of Franco's regime can be explained by the interpenetration of society and the institutions of the ‘New State’ in three overlapping areas: firstly, in the sphere of the shared culture of the community of civil war victors; secondly, through repression, based on the decisive collaboration of those supporting Francoism, which cut short any possible opposition; thirdly, in the socio-economic sphere, where those making up the groups supporting the ‘New State’ would see their personal interests fulfilled. At the same time, the defeated would be ensnared in a maze of misery and silence, abandoning any political concerns and concentrating instead on survival. Accordingly, the regime proved able to win support from a broad range of social groups while also eliminating any signs of opposition.

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 142-156
Author(s):  
A. Yu. Timofeev

The article considers the perception of World War II in modern Serbian society. Despite the stability of Serbian-Russian shared historical memory, the attitudes of both countries towards World wars differ. There is a huge contrast in the perception of the First and Second World War in Russian and Serbian societies. For the Serbs the events of World War II are obscured by the memories of the Civil War, which broke out in the country immediately after the occupation in 1941 and continued several years after 1945. Over 70% of Yugoslavs killed during the Second World War were slaughtered by the citizens of former Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The terror unleashed by Tito in the first postwar decade in 1944-1954 was proportionally bloodier than Stalin repressions in the postwar USSR. The number of emigrants from Yugoslavia after the establishment of the Tito's dictatorship was proportionally equal to the number of refugees from Russia after the Civil War (1,5-2% of prewar population). In the post-war years, open manipulations with the obvious facts of World War II took place in Tito's Yugoslavia. In the 1990s the memories repressed during the communist years were set free and publicly debated. After the fall of the one-party system the memory of World War II was devalued. The memory of the Russian-Serbian military fraternity forged during the World War II began to revive in Serbia due to the foreign policy changes in 2008. In October 2008 the President of Russia paid a visit to Serbia which began the process of (re) construction of World War II in Serbian historical memory. According to the public opinion surveys, a positive attitude towards Russia and Russians in Serbia strengthens the memories on general resistance to Nazism with memories of fratricide during the civil conflict events of 1941-1945 still dominating in Serbian society.


2002 ◽  
Vol 33 (129) ◽  
pp. 68-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fearghal McGarry

Early in life I had noticed that no event is ever correctly reported in a newspaper, but in Spain for the first time, I saw newspaper reports which did not bear any relation to the facts, not even the relationship which is implied in an ordinary lie. I saw great battles reported where there had been no fighting, and complete silence where hundreds of men had been killed.George Orwell (1943)The Spanish Civil War was one of the most controversial conflicts of recent history. For many on the left, it was a struggle between democracy and fascism. In contrast, many Catholics and conservatives championed Franco as a crusader against communism. Others felt Spain was the beginning of an inevitable conflict between fascism and communism which had increasingly threatened the stability of inter-war Europe. Spain has remained a battleground of ideologies ever since. Many supporters of the Spanish Republic attribute its defeat to the failure of other democratic states to oppose fascism, a policy of appeasement which ultimately led to the Second World War; for others on the left, including Orwell, Spain came to symbolise the betrayal of socialism by the Soviet Union — a disillusioning suppression of liberty repeated in subsequent decades in Hungary, Czechoslovakia and elsewhere. Ireland was no less drawn to Spain than other European nations. Within months of the war breaking out, close to one thousand Irishmen were fighting among the armies of both sides on the frontlines around Madrid. But for most Irish people, influenced by the Catholic church and sensational newspaper reports of anticlerical atrocities, the ideological conflict was perceived to be between Catholicism and communism rather than left and right. The outbreak of the war was followed by an immense outpouring of popular sympathy for Franco’s Nationalists. During the autumn of 1936 the Irish Christian Front organised mass pro-Franco rallies which attracted the support of opposition politicians, clergymen and much of the public. The dissenting voices of support for the Spanish Republic emanating from the marginalised Irish left were ignored or, more often, suppressed. De Valera’s Fianna Fáil government expressed its support for Spain’s Catholics while, somewhat awkwardly, adopting a position of neutrality for reasons of international diplomacy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bilal Bunyamin Bag

Being one of the bloodiest internal conflicts since 1945, the Iraqi civil war unleashed disastrous dynamics in Iraq and the Middle East, which set the course for the current chaos in Iraq and the rise of Islamic State. This dissertation analyses the civil war’s onset in 2004 from the analytical perspective of inclusive and exclusive elite bargains. It hypothesizes that the exclusiveness of Iraq’s elite bargains for a political settlement after Saddam Hussein’s overthrow is the major cause of the civil war. A range of examined elite bargains from August 2002 until June 2004 illustrates the exclusiveness of the bargains. US officials based the post-Saddam political order on a small coalition of actors who had lived outside of Saddam-ruled Iraq for decades and had, therefore, no support base in the country. Kurdish actors are evidently the exception. At the same time, a number of influential key figures were excluded from the bargains and barred from any participation in the new political settlement of Iraq, leaving them without stakes in the stability of the country. This study finds out that excluded actors have indeed been at the core of the insurgent activities that led to the civil war. The bottom line of this dissertation is that the applied explanatory model, though it cannot explain Iraq’s internal disorder in all its facets, provides an essential tool to analyze the civil war onset in 2004.


2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tia Mariatul Kibtiah

The dynamics of conflict in Syria has influenced the energy security in the region. United States and Europe both have strategic interests on Syrian for securing the flow of oil and gas from the Middle East to Europe and preserving peace and harmony in the region. This article contends that Syria plays a strategic role in maintaining the stability of oil production from the Middle East. Even though the production of oil in Syria declined drastically from 400,000 barrell per day to 25,000 barrell per day, but most of those products are at the hand of opposition, including the jihadist of ISIS, in the Northern and Southern area of Syria. In addition, the presence of foreign fighters in Syrian civil war have fueled the conflict and affected the stability of the region. Syria needs at least 30 years to recover from current conflict and it needs oil productions as the vital factor. This article is based on interviews conducted in 2012 to 2013 in Jakarta and analysis of documents.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1 (25)) ◽  
pp. 220-226
Author(s):  
Dmitriy I. Petin

The policy of the anti-Bolshevik authorities in Eastern Russia to stabilize finances and currency during the Civil War has already found worthy coverage in scientific works. However, in historiography, the practice of publishing sources on this issue has not been significantly developed. The document published by us reflects the position of the Special Chancellery for the credit part of the Ministry of Finance of the Russian Government on the discussion issue related to the introduction of new types of banknotes in Siberia. The work is addressed to a wide range of readers - researchers of the history of the Civil War in Russia, the anti-Bolshevik movement, international relations and the domestic financial and economic sphere in the specified period.


Psico ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 29394
Author(s):  
Lucia Pereira Leite ◽  
Hugo Ferrari Cardoso

This article describes the reliability of the test-retest of the Scale for Conception of Disability (SCD), which comprehends four dimensions – biological, social, metaphysical and historical cultural – through the analysis of its temporal stability. In this study, a sample of 52 students from a public university of the State of São Paulo completed the same instrument with 30-day-interval between one another. For rating the stability, the Pearson correlation coefficient was used. In terms of total sample, the results of the SCD, as a whole, presented a correlation of strong magnitude (r=0,77) between test and retest. According to the results, the reliability of the scale was considered appropriate, recommending its use in studies that aim to find out how social groups conceive the disability, understanding that such conception guides the attitudes of society towards people in this condition. *** Estudo de confiabilidade (teste-reteste) da Escala Concepções de Deficiência (ECD) ***Este artigo traça uma síntese sobre concepções de deficiência circulantes nos discursos sociais e descreve a confiabilidade testereteste da Escala Concepções de Deficiência (EDC), que abrange quatro dimensões – biológica, social, metafísica e histórico cultural –, pela análise de sua estabilidade temporal. No estudo, uma amostra de 52 estudantes de uma universidade pública do Estado de São Paulo preencheu o mesmo instrumento, em duas oportunidades, com intervalo de trinta dias. Como medida de estabilidade, foi usado o teste de correlação de Pearson. Em termos da amostra total, os resultados da ECD, em sua totalidade, apresentaram correlação de magnitude forte (r=0,77) entre o teste e o reteste. De acordo com os resultados, a confiabilidade da escala foi considerada adequada, indicando sua utilização em estudos que procurem conhecer como grupos sociais concebem a deficiência, entendendo que tal concepção norteia as atitudes da sociedade diante das pessoas que se encontram nessa condição.Palavras-chave: confiabilidade; escala; concepção; pessoa com deficiência; teste-reteste.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 89-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. V. Sarabiev

Lebanon has a number of features that determine its special position in the region and its importance in the system of relations between the Middle East states. An important role in this is played by the ideological and strategic aspects of world politics in the region in which Lebanon is organically inscribed in both the historical and geopolitical plans. The stability of a country that has passed through a long civil war makes it stand out from a number of states in the region. The author's hypothesis is that the reason for the extraordinary stability — of Lebanese society, the system of state power, political elites, economic ties and foreign policy contacts, despite all the negative regional factors — can be rooted in the consociational principle of making key decisions based, paradoxically, on the notorious political confessionalism. The peculiarities of the Lebanese political model (although they are subject to well-deserved criticism) distinguish it from the multitude of “customary” democracies, bringing together with examples of the unique democratic systems of Europe and other continents. The motley confessional composition of society, along with the historically determined foreign policy guidelines of individual communities, suggested a special informal decision-making mechanism throughout the country — not on the basis of majority power, but on a contractual, compromise principle. Leading theorists of consociationalism often had in mind the Lebanese pattern of democracy in their political studies, and many of their developments are still well applicable for analyzing the functioning of the main state institutions of Lebanon. A theoretical study, along with an analysis of the current regional situation, convince the author of the correctness of the hypothesis put forward. Both in Lebanese history and now, it is the inveterate forms of external influences that forced Lebanese society to balance on the verge of aggravated intercommunal clashes. The combination of external factors served as the beginning and further warmed up the civil war. Heightened relations with Syria by 2005, the Israeli attack in 2006, the gravest threat from jihadi-caliphatists – all these factors have negatively affected intra-civil and inter-group relations. Stereotypical forms of use of religious communities (Shiites, Sunnis, Christians of different denominations, etc.) from the outside and even direct pressure from abroad continue to confront them, imposing ideas on social relations and political participation that are alien to Lebanese. Diversification of political and business contacts of Russia with representatives of different Lebanese communities can serve as a good example of Lebanon’s perception of all the features of its political system as a full subject of international relations.


Author(s):  
Hannah Cornwell

Peace had dominated the discourse on the nature of Roman imperialism as the political institutions of the state were questioned and debated during the civil wars of the 40s and 30s BC, to the slow reformulation of powers around the single person of Augustus. The evolution of an imperial conception of peace from the early stages of the representations of pax augusta during the slow birth of the new political structures to a fully fledged idea of the pax Romana comes to fruition in Vespasian’s templum Pacis by the mid-70s AD and illustrates the integral value and position that peace had gained in a Roman imperial vision. The accomplishment of pax represented not only the stability and security brought to the state in a post-civil war world, but also the control over an Empire that such a peace enabled.


Author(s):  
Ketevan Epadze

Abstract This article examines the reflection of the April 9 Tragedy and the Civil War of 1991–1993 in the sites of memory chosen by the presidents of the Republic of Georgia. In Georgian cultural memory, the April 9 Tragedy was changed into an idea of heroic struggle. It also became a part of a memory narrative that legitimized Georgian independence and symbolized the April 9 Tragedy as the beginning of a new future for post-Soviet Georgia. The controversy over the perception of the 1991–1993 Georgian Civil War was equated with the fratricidal struggle in the Georgian capital of Tbilisi and regions of the country, which were linked with a memory narrative that was aimed at reconciling opposing social groups.


2021 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-168
Author(s):  
Pablo Buchbinder ◽  

The aim of the article is to study the repercussions of the beginning of the Spanish Second Republic and the rebellion of July 18 in various Latin American countries. The cases of Mexico, Argentina, Chile and Uruguay are studied in particular. These repercussions are analyzed in the framework of the rise of dictatorial and authoritarian governments in most of these countries with the exception of Mexico since the early 1930s. The way in which governments, the Spanish immigrant com-munities and the different social groups in these countries acted in the face of both episodes are studied. The repercussions generated by the anticlerical policy of the first government of the second republic are an-alyzed, especially in the face of the dissolution of the company of Jesus and the introduction of secular education. The tensions that these poli-cies provoked in Argentina and Chile and the support that the second republic obtained in Mexico are analyzed. On the other hand, the way in which the news of the uprising of July 18, 1936 was received is studied. The support for the army by the governments of Uruguay and Chile and, again, the support that the Spanish legal government obtained in Mexico is analyzed.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document