GEORGE ELIOT AND THE COLONIES

2001 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 413-433 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy Henry

Women are occasionally governors of prisons for women, overseers of the poor, and parish clerks. A woman may be ranger of a park; a woman can take part in the government of a great empire by buying East India Stock.— Barbara Bodichon, A Brief Summary in Plain Language, of the Most Important Laws Concerning Women (1854)ON OCTOBER 5, 1860, GEORGE HENRY LEWES VISITED a solicitor in London to consult about investments. He wrote in his journal: “[The Solicitor] took me to a stockbroker, who undertook to purchase 95 shares in the Great Indian Peninsular Railway for Polly. For £1825 she gets £1900 worth of stock guaranteed 5%” (qtd. in Ashton, Lewes 210). Thus Marian Evans, called Polly by her close friends, known in society as Mrs. Lewes and to her reading public as George Eliot, became a shareholder in British India. Whether or not Eliot thought of buying stock as taking part in the government of a great empire, as her friend Barbara Bodichon had written in 1854, the 5% return on her investment was a welcome supplement to the income she had been earning from her fiction since 1857. From 1860 until her death in 1880, she was one of a select but growing number of middle-class investors who took advantage of high-yield colonial stocks.1 Lewes’s journals for 1860–1878 and Eliot’s diaries for 1879–80 list dividends from stocks in Australia, South Africa, India, and Canada. These include: New South Wales, Victoria, Cape of Good Hope, Cape Town Rail, Colonial Bank, Oriental Bank, Scottish Australian, Great Indian Peninsula, Madras. The Indian and colonial stocks make up just less than half of the total holdings. Other stocks connected to colonial trade (East and West India Docks, London Docks), domestic stocks (the Consols, Regents Canal), and foreign investments (Buenos Aires, Pittsburgh and Ft. Wayne) complete the portfolio.2

2013 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 901-936 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Dye ◽  
Sumner La Croix

In early public land privatization, governments in New South Wales and Buenos Aires provided for de jure transfer of public lands. In New South Wales the government lost control; squatters rushed out unlawfully and seized de facto frontier claims. But in Buenos Aires privatization was accomplished by de jure transfers. Why did British settlers reject de jure transfers from a government, most able to secure property rights and rule of law, while settlers of the pampa frontier, where property-rights security was doubtful, complied with de jure transfers? We find that the revenue objective and violence on the frontier explain this puzzle.


2017 ◽  
Vol 56 (3) ◽  
pp. 532-556 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maura Capps

AbstractThis article challenges the dominant historical paradigms used to analyze imperial plant and animal transfers by examining the role of fodder crops in early colonial development in New South Wales and the Cape of Good Hope. In Alfred Crosby's enduring formulation of ecological imperialism—that is, the ecological transformation of temperate colonies of settlement by European plants, animals, and pathogens—was a largely independent process. To Crosby's critics, his grand narrative fails to acknowledge the technocratic management of plant and animal transfers on the part of increasingly long-armed colonial states from the mid-nineteenth century. Yet neither approach can adequately explain the period between the decline of Britain's Atlantic empire in the 1780s and the rise of its global empire in the 1830s, a period dominated by an aggressive ethos of agrarian improvement but lacking the institutional teeth of a more evolved imperial state. Traveling fodder crops link these embryonic antipodean colonies to the luminaries of the Agricultural Revolution in Britain. The attempt to transfer fodder-centric mixed husbandry to these colonies points to an emerging coalition of imperial ambition and scientific expertise in the late eighteenth-century British Empire.


2012 ◽  
Vol 27 (6) ◽  
pp. 595-600 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sophie E. Tyner ◽  
Louise Hennessy ◽  
Lisa J. Coombs ◽  
Jan Fizzell

AbstractWorld Youth Day 2008 was held in Sydney, Australia in July 2008. New South Wales (NSW) Health, the government health provider in Australia's most populous state, worked with partner agencies to provide medical services via on-site medical units at key event venues.A post-event review of medical records from the on-site medical units indicated 465 patient presentations, comprised largely of infectious respiratory symptoms and general health concerns of a primary care nature. Providing on-site health services is considered an important risk-mitigation action for many mass gatherings, especially those that generate a substantial temporary population of participants and take place over a number of days.TynerSE,HennessyL,CoombsLJ,FizzellJ.Analysis of presentations to on-site medical units during World Youth Day 2008.Prehosp Disaster Med.2012;27(6):1-6.


2007 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachel Sanderson

Colonial botanists played an important role in both elucidating and reshaping the nature of the North Queensland rainforests between 1860 and 1915. The Government Botanist of Victoria, Ferdinand von Mueller, was the first to begin to document the plant life of North Queensland. In 1859, on separation from New South Wales, Queensland's first Colonial Botanist was appointed to the Brisbane Botanic Gardens; this role was filled initially by Walter Hill, then by Frederick Manson Bailey.They were based at a distance from the northern rainforests and largely relied on local collectors to supply them with specimens that they would then identify, name and describe. They were also part of a network that assisted in the introduction of plants to North Queensland from other tropical locations for acclimatization purposes, and they worked to promote the development of tropical agriculture in the region. Colonial botanists not only promoted the settlement of rainforest areas and utilization of rainforest species, they also recorded and commented on the associated processes of environmental change that they observed.


1994 ◽  
Vol 34 (7) ◽  
pp. 933 ◽  
Author(s):  
RF Reinke ◽  
LG Lewin ◽  
RL Williams

New South Wales rice crops commonly take >180 days from sowing to harvest, and a reduction in crop duration is sought to increase the efficiency of rice production. The response of rice cultivars of differing growth duration to sowing time and N application was examined across 2 growing seasons. The highest yields were obtained at early sowing dates in each season. In season 2, the maximum yield of the short-duration cultivar M101 was not significantly different to the long-duration cultivars Calrose, Pelde, and M7, with yields >12 t/ha. However, yield of cv. M101 was significantly less than the long-duration cultivars at an early sowing date in season 1. Analysis of yield components did not clearly indicate the reason for reduced yield of the short duration cultivar. Damage by birds and mice before harvest, exacerbated by early maturity, is a possible cause.Later sowing reduced yields of all cultivars, with the short-duration cultivar-least affected. Optimum N application decreased with delay in sowing. At early sowings there was a positive yield response to increasing N, whereas at the latest sowings in each season the N response was negative for all cultivars. Where the yield response to applied N was positive, the yield component most associated with yield was the number of florets per unit area (r = 0.55). Where the yield response was negative, yield reductions were primarily caused by a reduction in the proportion of filled grains (r = 0.83). Minimum temperatures during the reproductive stage of each cultivar explained only a small amount of the variation in percentage of filled grain. Low minimum temperatures during the reproductive stage were not the sole cause of the reduction in proportion of filled grains of late-sown, high-N plots. The high yield potential of short-duration cultivars in The high yield potential of short-duration cultivars in the New South Wales rice-growing area is clearly demonstrated, as is the value of such cultivars where late sowing is unavoidable.


1983 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 6-11
Author(s):  
Richard Chisholm

The Community Welfare Act 1982 was passed by the New South Wales Parliament and received Royal Assent on 25 May 1982. However, it is not yet in force: the Act itself provides that it will come into force on a day appointed by the Governor and notified by proclamation. This means it can come into force when the government decides that it should. It is possible for parts of it to be brought into force at different times.The Act is long and complex. Rather than attempt a general overview of it, this paper will consider what the Act says on issues of special concern to foster parents.


2010 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 563
Author(s):  
Ned Fletcher ◽  
Dame Sian Elias

In Busby v White, James Busby sought to challenge the validity of the Land Claims Ordinance 1841 which treated his pre-Treaty of Waitangi land purchases as "null and void". He had campaigned against the New South Wales statute which preceded the Ordinance, and throughout the 1840s continued to argue against the legislation through political channels, while maintaining his claim to hold the lands under his "native title". By the 1850s holding by "native title" was increasingly precarious as the Government moved to acquire Busby's lands for the purposes of settlement. Busby was forced to law. His aim was to set up the validity of the legislation as a question of law which could be taken to the Privy Council for authoritative resolution. Busby v White was the second attempt to establish a platform for appeal. As in his earlier claim, Busby v McKenzie, the Supreme Court avoided a determination on the merits, thus thwarting Busby's strategy of appealing to London. Although no substantive decision was delivered, the extensive argument was fully reported in The Southern Cross newspaper, from which the Lost Cases Project has recovered it. Its interest today is in arguments which question the course set by R v Symonds (1847) on the nature of native property in New Zealand and the subsequent relegation of the Treaty of Waitangi to legal limbo in Wi Parata v Bishop of Wellington (1877).


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