The Jamaat of Allah's Friends: Maulana Allahyar's Reformist Movement and Sacralising the Space of the Armed Forces of Pakistan

2020 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 173-193
Author(s):  
SAADIA SUMBAL

AbstractThis article discusses a Sufi-inspired reformist movement that was set up in Chakrala (Pakistani Punjab) by Maulana Allahyar during the second half of the twentieth century. Attention is paid to the polemical religious context in which this movement arose, in part linked to the proselytising activities of local Shias and Ahmadis. Allahyar's preaching in the town created sectarian divisions within Chakrala's syncretic religious traditions. His reformist ideas also were articulated through a tablighi jamaat (missionary movement), which penetrated the armed forces of Pakistan during the military rule of Ayub Khan. Against this backdrop, the article also discusses the interface between Islam and the army, as this relationship played out in Indian prisoner-of-war camps holding captured Pakistani soldiers in the wake of the 1971 war, and so points to ways in which the mutual performance of mystical practices by Allahyar's Jamaat created a cohesive moral community.

Lituanistica ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gintaras Ramonas

The 4th Artillery Regiment and the 6th Infantry Regiment of Duke Margis of Pilėnai were relocated to Plungė as part of the efforts to strengthen the defensive capacities of Lithuania’s western territory. At first, soldiers were quartered in the buildings situated in Plungė park and later moved to the newly-built barracks. Therefore, the major aim of the article is to reveal the input of the garrison soldiers into the cultural life of Plungė as well as to contribute to the research on the topic which so far has been little studied. The article shows how the park was reorganised to adjust the new space to life and military functions, and how it was set up for the purposes of culture and free time of the army and the townspeople. It provided an opportunity to actively engage in exercise in a partly-closed space for the town dwellers and to take part in various events for the military. The park also hosted various celebrations of public holidays, summer outdoor parties for young people known as gegužinė, orchestra performances, and even served as a stage for soldiers performing songs. The garrison’s military brass band was popular and well-known in Plungė and the neighbouring towns and villages. The band would play on the occasion of seeing off and meeting soldiers; it would also perform during city festivals and gegužinė outdoor parties, thus becoming an inseparable part of the town’s cultural life. Soldiers would hold the celebrations of the Lithuanian Armed Forces, show jumping events and Military and Public Days during which they would organise parades, horse shows to the public as well as demonstrate their military preparedness. The garrison soldiers staged plays, delivered lectures to local residents and even had their own reading-room. Wearing a full-dress uniform, the regiment soldiers would attend religious and town festivals. The article shows that through involvement of the public in cultural activities, celebration of public holidays, and promotion of patriotic and civic spirit in society, the garrison became an important factor in the provincial life of independent Lithuania, which did not only have a significant influence on the town of Plungė but also earned respect among its residents.


2019 ◽  
Vol 76 (3) ◽  
pp. 467-505
Author(s):  
Eyal Weinberg

As young medical students at Guanabara State University, Luiz Roberto Tenório and Ricardo Agnese Fayad received some of the best medical education offered in 1960s Brazil. For six years, the peers in the same entering class had studied the principles of the healing arts and practiced their application at the university's teaching hospital. They had also witnessed the Brazilian military oust a democratically elected president and install a dictatorship that ruled the country for 21 years (1964–85). After graduating, however, Tenório and Fayad embarked on very distinct paths. The former became a political dissident in opposition to the military regime and provided medical assistance to members of the armed left. The latter joined the armed forces and, as a military physician, participated in the brutal torture and cruel treatment of political prisoners. At the end of military rule, Brazil's medical board would find him guilty of violating the Brazilian code of medical ethics and revoke his license.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 55-78
Author(s):  
Federico Battera

This article explores the differences between two North African military regimes—Egypt and Algeria—which have been selected due to the continuity of military dominance of the political systems. Still, variations have marked their political development. In particular, the Algerian army’s approach to civilian institutions changed after a civilian president was chosen in 1999. This was not the case in Egypt after the demise of the Hosni Mubarak regime of 2011. Other important variations are to be found in the way power has been distributed among the military apparatuses themselves. In the case of Egypt, a principle of collegiality has been generally preserved within a body, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), which is absent in the case of Algeria, where conflicts between military opposed factions are more likely to arise in case of crisis. How differences generally impact the stability of military rule in these two cases is the main contribution of this paper.


1995 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. A. Brett

Bullets rather than ballots have dominated politics in Uganda since independence, where two governments have been removed by coups, one by a foreign invasion, and another by an armed rebellion. Force has not only dominated the formal political system, but also threatened the economic and social basis on which democratic processes and progressive development depends. For 25 years predatory military rule and civil war have destroyed lives, skills, and assets, undermined institutional competence and accountability, caused widespread per sonal trauma, suppressed autonomous organisations in civil society, and intensified ethnic hostility and conflict. And Uganda is not alone in this – the middle of the twentieth century was dominated by fascism and war, while sectarian or ethnic conflicts in Bosnia, Ulster, Sri Lanka, Somalia, the Sudan, Angola, Liberia, Zaï, Burundi, and Rwanda have inflicted untold damage on people and property.1


2016 ◽  
pp. 68-76
Author(s):  
István Szilágy

In South America in the 1960s and 1970s the contradictions of economic, social and political structures were deepening. In order to surmount the structural crisis the different political forces, tendencies and governments elaborated various strategies. These attempts aiming at reorganizing the society led to undermining the hegemony of ruling governing block and radical transformation of state apparatus. Progressive and regressi-ve forms of military dictatorship and excepcional states of the new militarism appeared on the continent because of the Brazilian military takeover of April, 1964. Formally these state systems were set up by the institutional takeover of the armed forces. The military governments strove for the total reorganization and modernization of the societies in their all - economic, political and ideological - territories. The study aims at analizing the diffe-rent models of modernization during the past sixty years.


Author(s):  
Rafael Martínez

At the end of the twentieth century (after a long history of coups d’état, a military uprising, a civil war, and a four-decade dictatorship), the Spanish public had serious doubts about the democratic nature of the armed forces. In contrast, in 2015 they were the second-best valued institution in the country. This is not just the result of a reform in the military administration. Both have changed: society and the military. To try to understand this change we will analyse the evolution of Spanish public opinion about the armed forces and national security since the end of the twentieth century and the perception of the Spanish military after undertaking international missions, its main activity.


2014 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 9
Author(s):  
Sotiris Rizas

The purpose of this paper is to examine the process of transformation of Greek conservatism that evolved during the dictatorship from a current identified with the restrictive practices of the post-Civil War political system to a tenet of the democratic regime established in 1974. The realization that the military coup was not just the manifestation of anti-communism, the dominant ideology of the post-Civil War period, but also of an anti-parliamentary spirit permeating the armed forces, the prolongation of military rule that led to the crystallization of differences between the military regime and the conservative political class and an apprehension that the dictatorship might fuel uncontrollable social and political polarization are three inter-related factors that explain this transformation.


Author(s):  
Franciel José Ganancini

Resumo: Este artigo aborda uma parte da história política do Brasil, situando o período compreendido entre os governos de Getúlio Vargas, a partir de 1930, e o golpe civil-militar de 1964. O referido período esteve marcado por profundas mudanças econômicas, políticas e culturais, seja no Brasil, seja no restante do mundo. No artigo abordaremos a ascensão de Getúlio Vargas, o seu relacionamento com os militares, bem como o fortalecimento das Forças Armadas e sua atuação na política brasileira do século XX. Palavras-chave: Getúlio Vargas. Forças Armadas. Golpe de 1964. FROM A CIVIL DICTATOR TO MILITARY DICTATORS Abstract: This article discusses some of the political history of Brazil, closing the period between Getulio Vargas’s governments, in 1930, and civil-military coup in 1964. This period was marked by deep economic, political and cultural changes, both in Brazil and in the world. In this article we discuss the rise of Getulio Vargas’s government, his relationship with the military, as well as the strengthening of the armed forces and its role in the twentieth century Brazilian politics. Keywords: Getúlio Vargas. Military Forces. Coup of 1964.


2020 ◽  
pp. 89-95
Author(s):  
Alla V. Safonova ◽  
Natalia Yu. Eletskikh

The article considers the domestic historical and pedagogical experience of military-political work in higher military-vocational education in the 20-30s. of the XX century: content, forms, methods, means; the historical and pedagogical significance and relevance of ideas for the current stage of the development of military-political work in the Armed Forces of Russia and the reform of higher military education are determined. An analysis of relevant scientific publications and archival sources presented for the first time suggests that the current trend in the development of military-vocational education is correlated with domestic historical and pedagogical experience of the early twentieth century, in the socio-pedagogical interaction of higher military educational institutions with state structures, public organizations for the implementation of military-political work in one of the directions of the state policy of the Soviet state “Cultural links of the city with the village” in the interests of socializing students and strengthening the country’s defense.


2018 ◽  
pp. 99-112
Author(s):  
Iryna Avtushenko

The reduction and reform of the Armed Forces of Ukraine has caused the social issues associated with adapting to the new living conditions and the activities of the servicemen dismissed from the military service to the reserve or retirement. During the period of transition from military life to civilian, many officers needed retraining for gaining new civilian specialties, which required financial support from the state. But the difficult situation in the country did not allow massively invest the budgetary funds needed to solve this issue. That is why the NATO’s support concerning the financing of programs aimed at social adaptation of servicemen dismissed from military service, as well as those included in the plan of dismissal from the Armed Forces of Ukraine, becomes dramatically important. In the years of independence, by means of these programs over 8 thousand servicemen have been retrained. For implementation of programs for the adaptation of servicemen all over the country, the centers for training of servicemen have been set up in the cities. Therefore these centers supported a large number of the dismissed servicemen or those who were to be dismissed, by giving them the opportunity to get a civilian specialty which was in demand in the labor market.


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