scholarly journals Complementary Institutions in Authoritarian Regimes: The Everyday Politics of Constituency Service in Singapore

2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 361-390 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elvin Ong

Recent political science research has suggested that autocrats adopt a variety of institutions such as nominally democratic elections and ruling parties to buttress authoritarian durability. In this article I investigate the role of constituency service in an authoritarian regime. I argue that Singapore's Meet-the-People Sessions (MPS) is a complementary institution that can serve to mitigate the weaknesses of other authoritarian institutions, thereby entrenching authoritarianism, rather than serve as a form of democratic representation. First, it is a mechanism to gain valuable everyday information about grievances within the population, thereby allowing the ruling People's Action Party (PAP) to formulate policies and effectively target its response. Second, it is a convenient venue to recruit and socialize ordinary party members, thus helping the PAP forestall potential party decay. Symbolically, conducting MPS is a material performance of the hegemonic ideology of elitism between PAP politicians and ordinary Singaporeans.

2017 ◽  
Vol II (1) ◽  
pp. 21-43
Author(s):  
MakiRessan Abdullah Mamori ◽  
Syed Inam ur Rahman

Media in Iraq after 2003 has become very effervescent in providing useful information to the people. In this research the political perspective of media information was studied where it was gauged that how media is creating awareness among masses of Iraq, as news talk shows have become integral part of electronic media in the world and it has established its trustworthiness. The researcher desires to assess the altitude of opinionated standards and level of consciousness about political contribution footed on the information about the Iraqi educated youngsters and the influence upon them by TV talk shows regarding politics. The quantitative method is used in this study. Universe for the present study consists of the general youth living in Baghdad. The researcher has selected 200 samples from Baghdad, the capital of Iraq. The researcher used the non-probability sampling technique with random selection method to fulfill the requirement of data gathering from the targeted audience. A well-designed questionnaire is used in this research study as a tool for the data collection. For data analysis the SPSS software for social science research is used. The outcomes of this study show that those viewers who watch talk shows have better culture and political knowledge than those who do not watch talk shows.


Author(s):  
Andrea Kendall-Taylor ◽  
Natasha Lindstaedt ◽  
Erica Frantz

Pathways of authoritarian regime transitions 143 Top-down paths to regime breakdown 143 Bottom-up paths to regime breakdown 149 Trajectories of authoritarian regime change 155 Pathways of authoritarian leader transitions 156 Conclusion 159 Key Questions 160 Further Reading 160 In Chapter 7, we identified the factors that political science research shows increase the risk of authoritarian breakdown. For political observers and policy analysts, knowing that factors such as economic decline, elite divsions, and youth bulges raise an autocracy’s risk of breakdown is useful because it helps us focus our analytic attention on the factors that matter most. However, only understanding the triggers of instability tells us relatively little about ...


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 222-246
Author(s):  
Noura Hamdan Taha ◽  
Asem Khalil

Abstract Constitutional transformations frequently introduce and open up political spaces for new actors, as was shown during the so-called ‘Arab Spring’ when national movements emerged to demand the removal of long-established authoritarian regimes and instigated a series of institutional power struggles. Subsequent analysis of these events by academics has tended to overlook struggle conducted through and by legal institutions. This article directly addresses this oversight by considering the role of Egypt’s Supreme Constitutional Court (scc) in the 2011 uprisings, with specific attention to its influence on the country’s political transformation/s. It seeks to apply new analytical tools that will assist understanding of the position of judicial institutions in the Arab world, their institutional limits and expected functions. It demonstrates how this can be achieved through a closer analysis of the scc’s structure and the factors that shape its current role.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 29-35
Author(s):  
Ta’mirotul Biroroh

The mechanism for transferring people's sovereignty is carried out through general elections to elect leaders and representatives of the people who will be mandated to carry out state and government affairs in accordance with the provisions contained in the legislation. One of the interesting developments from the point of view of the Indonesian state administration began when Indonesia experienced a transitional period of general elections (elections) which are one of the main pillars of democracy. In Indonesia, the existence of an election management body has existed since the 1955 general election until now. In every course of political history, Indonesia has several different institutional models of election management from time to time.  The General Election Commission in Indonesia it is called Komisi Pemilihan Umum (KPU) is an institution that carries out the function of organizing elections in Indonesia. In addition to the KPU, there are institutions that also play an important role in the implementation of elections and are closely related to the existence of the KPU, namely survey institutions that carry out quick count processes. The survey institutions in a number of developing countries, especially those that are actively building democracy, are also not a little doubted by their moral honesty, at least being sued with a critical attitude such as the existence of a poll on the existence of a political survey institution, which has resulted in an attitude of uncertainty about the performance survey agency. This condition makes people less confident in the survey results which are considered no longer independent. It is proven that every time an election is held, a number of survey institutions seem to want to lead public opinion towards certain contestants. This is certainly very unfortunate considering that the survey results are one of the important instruments in democracy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (5) ◽  
pp. 13-25
Author(s):  
Iliya Shablinsky

The article is devoted to the possibility of changing power within regimes that are considered authoritarian (or hybrid). The practice of some such regimes shows that they still allow for a real and sometimes even regular change of power, without changing their character and, in fact, without allowing the real functioning of democratic institutions. Special attention is paid to the States formed in the space of the former USSR. It is noted that the post-Soviet authoritarian regimes can be separated into a separate subspecies. The article discusses the following options for transferring power under an authoritarian regime. It is possible: 1) as a consequence of contradictions within the ruling group and the involuntary departure of the former leader; or 2) through the execution by the members of the specified group of informal arrangements that can include both the actual transfer — the actual transfer of power to a new person, and an imaginary transfer — the appointment of the regime’s new head, who remains under the tight control of the former ruler, who retains real power. The role of constitutional norms limiting the President’s tenure to two terms is specifically considered. This restriction, in particular, was established in the constitutions of almost all post-Soviet States. But the relevant rules were either canceled (as in Belarus and Azerbaijan) or ignored (as, for example, in Uzbekistan). At the same time, similar rules have played a role in Mexico and China. Separately, the article deals with cases when political transfer is triggered by the work of completely democratic institutions, such as elections or referendums which for some reason are allowed by an authoritarian leader, and leads to real democratization. In particular, the author draws attention to the experience of Chile and Brazil.


2009 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 785-803 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mariah Zeisberg

Extensive political science research reveals that the decisions of the US Supreme Court are deeply political. And both advocates and critics of judicial elections concede that partisan elections are a democratic method of judicial selection. Does the value of democratic representation mean that US Supreme Court Justices should be selected through partisan elections? I argue not. Partisan judicial elections are actually far poorer institutional mechanisms for capturing the judgment of the people on legal matters than has been recognized. The role of parties in structuring a campaign distorts the deliberative environment surrounding judicial elections, creating significant barriers to voters expressing a judgment on matters of legal meaning. The kind of distortion is best understood through reference to aprocessualcriterion of deliberative democracy, which provides a fitting normative template to ground theoretical inquiry into the reason-giving possibilities of existing democratic institutions and practices. Hence, answering why the US Supreme Court should not be elected on democratic grounds also reveals new insights about the role of parties in sustaining (or subverting) deliberative democratic ideals.


2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (03) ◽  
pp. 525-531 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aleksander Ksiazkiewicz ◽  
James Hedrick

During the past two decades, mounting evidence suggests that much of human social cognition occurs without deliberate effort and largely outside conscious awareness. Dual-process models, which distinguish explicit (conscious, slow, effortful) cognitive processes from implicit (often unconscious, fast, effortless) cognitive processes, “form the dominant paradigm [of social cognition research] for the past 20 years or more” (Evans 2008). Although these advances in social cognition research have begun to be integrated into models of political cognition over the past decade (e.g., Kim, Taber, and Lodge 2010; Lodge and Taber 2013; see Nosek, Graham, and Hawkins 2010 for a review), and are beginning to influence other disciplines like communication (see Hefner et al. 2011), the role of implicit processes in outcomes commonly studied by political scientists deserves more attention. This symposium aims to showcase the diverse set of subject areas within political science to which dual-process models have been and can be applied. We hope that this symposium is a springboard for those who are considering bringing a dual-process approach into their own research by providing an overview of relevant literatures and methods.


Architects ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 32-36
Author(s):  
Thomas Yarrow

Part One Introduces the people, places and routines that constitute the everyday working lives of the nine architects on which the book focuses. The role of the author is described as researcher and interloper. It is suggested these architects' work is centrally about the difficulties and rewards of inhabiting 'spaces between': poised between competing interests, diverse social groups, and forms of knowledge, architects encounter and resolve a series of ethical conundrums, epistemic difficulties and problems from which creative possibilities also flow.


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