Public Support for Increasing Women and Minority MPs

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-30
Author(s):  
Catherine Bolzendahl ◽  
Hilde Coffé
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Upper Class ◽  
Social Spending ◽  
Election Study ◽  
Income Differences ◽  
Shared Identity ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
Treaty Of Waitangi ◽  
Using Data

AbstractMost democracies fail to provide equal representation and tend to have an overrepresentation of men from the upper class and the majority racial or ethnic group. We investigate public support for increasing the number of women and indigenous Māori members of parliament (MPs) in the New Zealand Parliament, both in general and through specific mechanisms such as quotas and reserved seats. We offer three explanations: descriptive (group identity), substantive (issue alignment), and symbolic (socioeconomic and political equity concerns). Using data from the 2014 New Zealand Election Study, we found that shared identity (descriptive) matters for all measures of increased representation, but especially for Māori respondent support of increased Māori MPs. Support for increasing the proportion of Māori MPs is also strongly driven by substantive concerns, as measured by support for keeping the Treaty of Waitangi in law. Support for increasing the number of women MPs is driven most strongly by symbolic concerns (measured as increased government social spending and efforts to reduce income differences). Overall, respondents favor retaining the current number of reserved seats for Māori MP representation, whereas informal efforts (rather than quotas) are strongly preferred for increasing the number of women MPs.

The Role of Rules in Representation: Group Membership and Electoral Incentives

2016 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian F. Crisp ◽  
Betul Demirkaya ◽  
Leslie A. Schwindt-Bayer ◽  
Courtney Millian
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Group Membership ◽  
Electoral Rules ◽  
Underrepresented Groups ◽  
Electoral Incentives ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Representation Group ◽  
Do So

Existing research shows that the election of members of previously underrepresented groups can have significant consequences for policymaking. Yet, quotas, reserved seats, communal rolls, and race-conscious districting make it difficult to distinguish whether it is group membership, electoral incentives, or a combination of the two that matters. It is argued here that lawmakers who are members of underrepresented groups will stand out as defenders of their group’s interests only when electoral rules incentivize them to do so. This is demonstrated empirically using data from New Zealand, showing that Māori Members of Parliament systematically vary in the extent to which they represent their ethnic group as a function of the three different sets of rules under which they were elected.

Are Tax Cuts Supporters Self-Interested and/or Partisan? The Case of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act

2021 ◽  
pp. 1532673X2110411
Author(s):  
Marco Mendoza Aviña ◽  
André Blais
Keyword(s):  
Party Identification ◽  
Public Support ◽  
The Self ◽  
Congressional Election ◽  
Election Study ◽  
Self Interest ◽  
Republican Government ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Jobs Act ◽  
Tax Cuts

In late 2017, the first unified Republican government in 15 years enacted the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, which cut taxes for corporations and the wealthy. Why did so many citizens support a policy that primarily benefited people richer than them? The self-interest hypothesis holds that individuals act upon the position they occupy in the income distribution: richer (poorer) taxpayers should favor (oppose) regressive policy. Associations between income and policy preferences are often inconsistent, however, suggesting that many citizens fail to connect their self-interest to taxation. Indeed, political psychologists have shown compellingly that citizens can be guided by partisan considerations not necessarily aligned with their own interests. This article assesses public support for the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017. Using data from the 2018 Cooperative Congressional Election Study as well as contemporaneous ANES and VOTER surveys to replicate our analyses, we show that self-interest and partisanship both come into play, but that partisanship matters more. Personal financial considerations, while less influential than party identification, are relevant for two groups of individuals: Republicans and the politically unsophisticated.

By Popular Demand: The Effect of Public Opinion on Income Inequality

2005 ◽  
Vol 4 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 261-284 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Andersen ◽  
Anthony Heath ◽  
David Weakliem
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Income Inequality ◽  
Instrumental Variables ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Reciprocal Causation ◽  
Low Incomes ◽  
The World ◽  
Using Data ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Distribution Of Income

AbstractThis paper examines the relationship between public support for wage differentials and actual income inequality using data from the World Values Surveys. The distribution of income is more equal in nations where public opinion is more egalitarian. There is some evidence that the opinions of people with higher incomes are more influential than those of people with low incomes. Although the estimated relationship is stronger in democracies, it is present even under non-democratic governments, and the hypothesis that effects are equal cannot be rejected. We consider the possibility of reciprocal causation by means of an instrumental variables analysis, which yields no evidence that income distribution affects opinion.

Collaboration in research: weaving Kaupapa Māori and computer science

2021 ◽  
pp. 117718012110431
Author(s):  
Anna K Rolleston ◽  
Judy Bowen ◽  
Annika Hinze ◽  
Erina Korohina ◽  
Rangi Matamua
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Computer Science ◽  
Indigenous People ◽  
Design Process ◽  
Software Design ◽  
Integrated Process ◽  
Engineering Project ◽  
Aotearoa New Zealand ◽  
Treaty Of Waitangi ◽  
Kaupapa Māori

We describe a collaboration between Māori (Indigenous people of Aotearoa/New Zealand) and Tauiwi (non-Māori) researchers on a software engineering project. Te Tiriti o Waitangi (The Treaty of Waitangi) provides the basis for Māori to lead research that involves Māori as participants or intends to impact Māori outcomes. Through collaboration, an extension of the traditional four-step software design process was created, culminating in a nine-step integrated process that included Kaupapa Māori (Māori ideology) principles. The collaboration experience for both Māori and Tauiwi highlighted areas of misunderstanding within the research context based on differing worldviews and our ability to navigate and work through this. This article provides context, guiding principles, and recommended research processes where Māori and Tauiwi aim to collaborate.

Economic Development through Treaty Reparations in New Zealand and Canada

2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (01) ◽  
pp. 61-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Myra J. Tait ◽  
Kiera L. Ladner
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
New Zealand ◽  
First Nations ◽  
Indigenous Communities ◽  
The State ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Legal Analysis ◽  
Treaty Of Waitangi ◽  
Socio Economic Development ◽  
Law Making

AbstractIn Canada, Treaty 1 First Nations brought a claim against the Crown for land debt owed to them since 1871. In 2004, Crown land in Winnipeg became available that, according to the terms of the settlement, should have been offered for purchase to Treaty 1 Nations. Similarly, in New Zealand, the Waikato-Tainui claim arose from historical Crown breaches of the 1840 Treaty of Waitangi. In 1995, a settlement was reached to address the unjust Crown confiscation of Tainui lands. Despite being intended to facilitate the return of traditional territory, compensate for Crown breaches of historic treaties, and indirectly provide opportunity for economic development, in both cases, settlement was met with legal and political challenges. Using a comparative legal analysis, this paper examines how the state continues to use its law-making power to undermine socio-economic development of Indigenous communities in Canada and New Zealand, thereby thwarting opportunity for Indigenous self-determination.

Did They Mind the Gap? Voter/Party Ideological Proximity between the BQ, the NDP and Quebec Voters, 2006–2011

2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 289-310 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean-Philippe Gauvin ◽  
Chris Chhim ◽  
Mike Medeiros
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Three Dimensional ◽  
Election Study ◽  
Federal Election ◽  
Party Manifestos ◽  
Longitudinal Approach ◽  
The Face ◽  
Election Results ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Over Time

AbstractThe 2011 Canadian federal election results changed the face of federal politics in Quebec. In a sudden and spectacular reversal of electoral fortunes, BQ support crumbled while that of the NDP surged. While most commentators focused exclusively on the 2011 election itself to explain what had happened, we offer an interpretation that takes a longitudinal approach. Using data from the Canadian Election Study and political party manifestos from 2006 to 2011, we propose a three-dimensional proximity model of voter/party congruence to explore the evolution of the ideological stances of Quebec voters and parties. Empirical results suggest these ideological distances between the NDP and Quebec voters decreased over time, whereas the BQ has distanced itself from voters. Furthermore, ideological distances between party and voters are a significant predictor of vote.

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