The Role of Rules in Representation: Group Membership and Electoral Incentives

2016 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian F. Crisp ◽  
Betul Demirkaya ◽  
Leslie A. Schwindt-Bayer ◽  
Courtney Millian
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Group Membership ◽  
Electoral Rules ◽  
Underrepresented Groups ◽  
Electoral Incentives ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Representation Group ◽  
Do So

Existing research shows that the election of members of previously underrepresented groups can have significant consequences for policymaking. Yet, quotas, reserved seats, communal rolls, and race-conscious districting make it difficult to distinguish whether it is group membership, electoral incentives, or a combination of the two that matters. It is argued here that lawmakers who are members of underrepresented groups will stand out as defenders of their group’s interests only when electoral rules incentivize them to do so. This is demonstrated empirically using data from New Zealand, showing that Māori Members of Parliament systematically vary in the extent to which they represent their ethnic group as a function of the three different sets of rules under which they were elected.

Constituency Effects and Legislative Dissent Under Closed-List Proportional Representation

2021 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 78-99
Author(s):  
Eduardo Alemán ◽  
Juan Pablo Micozzi ◽  
Pablo M. Pinto ◽  
Sebastián Saiegh
Keyword(s):  
Electoral Systems ◽  
Proportional Representation ◽  
Roll Call ◽  
Electoral Rules ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Electoral Incentives ◽  
Party Line ◽  
Ideological Space ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Unique Dataset

ABSTRACTAccording to conventional wisdom, closed-list proportional representation (CLPR) electoral systems create incentives for legislators to favor the party line over their voters’ positions. However, electoral incentives may induce party leaders to tolerate “shirking” by some legislators, even under CLPR. This study argues that in considering whose deviations from the party line should be tolerated, party leaders exploit differences in voters’ relative electoral influence resulting from malapportionment. We expect defections in roll call votes to be more likely among legislators elected from overrepresented districts than among those from other districts. We empirically test this claim using data on Argentine legislators’ voting records and a unique dataset of estimates of voters’ and legislators’ placements in a common ideological space. Our findings suggest that even under electoral rules known for promoting unified parties, we should expect strategic defections to please voters, which can be advantageous for the party’s electoral fortunes.

scholarly journals Camp stability predicts patterns of hunter–gatherer cooperation

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (7) ◽  
pp. 160131 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Smith ◽  
Mark Dyble ◽  
James Thompson ◽  
Katie Major ◽  
Abigail E. Page ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Real World ◽  
Ecological Context ◽  
Hunter Gatherers ◽  
Ecological Conditions ◽  
Resource Transfers ◽  
Experimental Games ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Over Time ◽  
Do So

Humans regularly cooperate with non-kin, which has been theorized to require reciprocity between repeatedly interacting and trusting individuals. However, the role of repeated interactions has not previously been demonstrated in explaining real-world patterns of hunter–gatherer cooperation. Here we explore cooperation among the Agta, a population of Filipino hunter–gatherers, using data from both actual resource transfers and two experimental games across multiple camps. Patterns of cooperation vary greatly between camps and depend on socio-ecological context. Stable camps (with fewer changes in membership over time) were associated with greater reciprocal sharing, indicating that an increased likelihood of future interactions facilitates reciprocity. This is the first study reporting an association between reciprocal cooperation and hunter–gatherer band stability. Under conditions of low camp stability individuals still acquire resources from others, but do so via demand sharing (taking from others), rather than based on reciprocal considerations. Hunter–gatherer cooperation may either be characterized as reciprocity or demand sharing depending on socio-ecological conditions.

Public Support for Increasing Women and Minority MPs

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-30
Author(s):  
Catherine Bolzendahl ◽  
Hilde Coffé
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Upper Class ◽  
Social Spending ◽  
Election Study ◽  
Income Differences ◽  
Shared Identity ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
Treaty Of Waitangi ◽  
Using Data

AbstractMost democracies fail to provide equal representation and tend to have an overrepresentation of men from the upper class and the majority racial or ethnic group. We investigate public support for increasing the number of women and indigenous Māori members of parliament (MPs) in the New Zealand Parliament, both in general and through specific mechanisms such as quotas and reserved seats. We offer three explanations: descriptive (group identity), substantive (issue alignment), and symbolic (socioeconomic and political equity concerns). Using data from the 2014 New Zealand Election Study, we found that shared identity (descriptive) matters for all measures of increased representation, but especially for Māori respondent support of increased Māori MPs. Support for increasing the proportion of Māori MPs is also strongly driven by substantive concerns, as measured by support for keeping the Treaty of Waitangi in law. Support for increasing the number of women MPs is driven most strongly by symbolic concerns (measured as increased government social spending and efforts to reduce income differences). Overall, respondents favor retaining the current number of reserved seats for Māori MP representation, whereas informal efforts (rather than quotas) are strongly preferred for increasing the number of women MPs.

Campaign-Personalization and Constituency Focus in a Mixed-Member Electoral System. The Case of Hungary

2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Zsófia Papp
Keyword(s):  
Electoral System ◽  
Three Dimensions ◽  
Electoral Rules ◽  
Election Study ◽  
Scholarly Literature ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
Factors Influencing

AbstractThe aim of this paper is to uncover the micro-factors structuring campaign personalization in the case of Hungarian Members of Parliament. It is presumed that in a party-centred environment, the effects of the various independent characteristics are filtered by the parties. Thus, due to the electoral rules, personalization cannot contradict party centeredness. Representatives do not wish to distance themselves from their parties. Personalization is more of the result of the positions they hold or wish to fill in than the desire to defy party lines out of individualistic motivations. Based on the data from the 2010 MP-survey of the Hungarian Election Study, the article unveils the circumstances under which campaign personalization prevails. The international scholarly literature sets several hypotheses with regards to the factors influencing three dimensions of campaign personalization (norms, means and agenda), out of which several will be tested in this article. The analysis concludes that even under party-centred circumstances, the role of individual motivations and habits cannot be overlooked in defining the degree of personalization, nevertheless the interpretation of such effects requires caution.

Electoral Incentives in Mixed-Member Systems: Party, Posts, and Zombie Politicians in Japan

2006 ◽  
Vol 100 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-193 ◽  
Author(s):  
ROBERT PEKKANEN ◽  
BENJAMIN NYBLADE ◽  
ELLIS S. KRAUSS
Keyword(s):  
Electoral System ◽  
Proportional Representation ◽  
Parallel System ◽  
Electoral Rules ◽  
Legislative Organization ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Electoral Incentives ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
Different Types ◽  
The Individual

How do electoral incentives affect legislative organization? Through an analysis of Japan's mixed-member electoral system, we demonstrate that legislative organization is strongly influenced not only by the individual legislators reelection incentives but also by their interest in their party gaining power and maintaining a strong party label. Electorally vulnerable legislators are given choice legislative positions to enhance their prospects at the polls, whereas (potential) party leaders disproportionately receive posts with greater influence on the party's overall reputation. Members of Parliament elected from proportional representation (PR) lists and in single member districts also receive different types of posts, reflecting their distinct electoral incentives. Even small variations in electoral rules can have important consequences for legislative organization. In contrast to Germany's compensatory mixed-member system, Japan's parallel system (combined with a “best loser” or “zombie” provision) generates incentives for the party to allocate posts relating to the distribution of particularistic goods to those elected in PR.

Elected MPs, Traditional Chiefs, and Local Public Goods: Evidence on the Role of Leaders in Co-Production From Rural Zambia

2018 ◽  
Vol 52 (12) ◽  
pp. 1925-1956 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kate Baldwin
Keyword(s):  
Public Goods ◽  
Natural Experiment ◽  
Social Connections ◽  
State Agencies ◽  
Electoral Incentives ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
Time Horizons ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Rural Zambia

What types of leaders are effective in organizing public goods that require community contributions? In many settings, both citizens and state agencies provide financing, labor, and oversight of local projects. This article analyzes the effects of elected Members of Parliament (MPs) and hereditary chiefs in facilitating co-produced public goods in Zambia. MPs have electoral motivations to provide public goods but may not be well-positioned to organize community contributions. Chiefs lack electoral incentives but typically have long time horizons and local social connections. I analyze the effects of both types of leaders on the provision of co-produced public goods through a natural experiment. I take advantage of lapses in leadership following the deaths of leaders in office to show that chiefs have a significant effect on co-produced public goods but MPs do not. Auxiliary analysis suggests that chiefs’ effect on community contributions depends on the length of their time horizons.

18. The Role of a Backbench MP

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Shephard ◽  
Jack Simson Caird
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Policy Development ◽  
Public Understanding ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
Legislative Branch ◽  
Parliamentary Systems ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Uk

This chapter considers the nature and roles of backbench Members of Parliament (MPs) as well as their impact and influence, placing emphasis on the Backbench Business Committee. The term ‘backbench’ refers to where the MPs or peers sit in the House of Commons — behind those with either ministerial frontbench or shadow ministerial frontbench positions. The definition of a backbencher holds in many other parliamentary systems where the executive is drawn from the legislative branch (for example, Canada, New Zealand, and Australia). However, emphasis on the role of backbenchers might vary depending on the parliamentary system. The chapter discusses the role of backbenchers in the UK Parliament, such as supporting their party; scrutinizing government; representing and furthering the interests of their constituency and constituents; contributing to policy development; and promotion of public understanding.

COORPORATE SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY DALAM SUDUT PANDANG FIQIH HARTA DAN AKUNTANSI

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-122
Author(s):  
Sri Suharti ◽  
Iwan Setiawan
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Corporate Social Responsibility ◽  
Literature Review ◽  
Social Responsibility ◽  
Company Law ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Corporate Social ◽  
A Company ◽  
Do So

Corporate social responsibility in the company law is a company obligation, which aims to increase the role of the private sector in economic development and equitable social welfare. However, until now, this goal has not been achieved, due to the company's reluctance to do so. This is reinforced from the results of previous research, that CSR is not correlated with an increase in company profits, even if donation activities are not related to company operations and profits, then these expenses cannot be recorded as an expense that reduces corporate taxes. This is different from the concept of CSR in the view of wealth fiqh, which places property as the property of Allah and must be used as much as possible for the benefit of all humans. This study aims to compare CSR in the view of wealth and accounting fiqh. This research uses literature review method using data sourced from books, journals / articles, reports and websites. The results of this study found that CSR in the view of wealth fiqh is permissible because there is no fatwa prohibiting it as long as the assets used do not come from business activities that are prohibited in Islam. There is a difference in the concept of assets according to fiqh, namely that assets cannot be stacked for personal gain and must be distributed to others, whereas according to the accounting concept, assets are accumulated and distributed to owners of capital.Key words: capital,  cooperate social responsibility, and fiqh of assets.

The Role of Ballot Ranking

2016 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 644-663 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Spáč
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Multilevel Models ◽  
Order Effect ◽  
Recency Effects ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Using Data ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Insight Into

This article deals with ballot order effect in preferential voting in general elections in Slovakia. Previous research in this field has primarily focused on countries whose elections are based either on single-member districts or on lists with fewer candidates. This article aims to analyze a case of a different nature. Slovakia uses a proportional representation list system with a single nationwide constituency where all 150 members of parliament are elected. Hence, most of the political parties create lists with a high number of candidates, which according to theory should enhance the influence of ballot ranking. Using data from Slovak general elections between 2006 and 2012 with a sample of 7,587 candidates, this study provides strong evidence of the impact of ballot order on the results of preferential voting. The analysis in this article shows the existence of both the primacy and recency effects, that is, a positive bias of voters towards candidates listed at both top and bottom positions on a list. What is more, the multilevel models used in this article demonstrate that support for top-ranked candidates significantly increases as the size of the list increases. For the bottom-listed candidates, this trend is rather the opposite. These findings represent a valuable contribution to the debate in this area as they provide insight into the role of ballot order in electoral systems that use lists composed of numerous candidates.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document