Retreat from multiculturalism: community cohesion, civic integration and the disciplinary politics of gender

2013 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 411-428 ◽  
Author(s):  
Siobhán Mullally

AbstractThe intersections of gender, religion and migration status have attracted only limited commentary to date. The significance of migration status as a marker of gender inequality, and one that further increases the burden of intersecting axes of discrimination, requires further scrutiny. This article examines the rise of civic integration requirements within the European Union and the significance of this rise for religious freedoms and complex ideals of gender equality. Particular attention is given to recent developments in the UK and France in the context of wider debates on immigration and integration policies. Against the background of diminishing sovereignty and the expansion of rights to non-citizens, states are rethinking the significance of citizenship and migration status and the criteria to be applied in determining membership and access to the nation-state. The adoption in France of the Charte des Droits et des Devoirs du Citoyen Français marks a further step in the expansion of integration conditions imposed by states, and signals a continuing willingness to deploy juridical forms to enforce such conditions. Of particular concern to this Special Issue are the implications of civic integration requirements for migrant religious women and for feminist engagement with migration laws and the discourse of rights.

2021 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-149
Author(s):  
Emmanuel Brunet-Jailly

This special issue of International Studies focuses on ‘how the British-exit is impacting the European Union’. This introduction is a review of the context, costs and institutional repercussions, as well as the very recent the UK/European Union trade deal and implications for customs borders. Eight articles then detail consequences for European Union policies and important trading relationships: Immigration, Citizenship, Gender, Northern Ireland, Trade and impacts on India, Canada and Japan.


2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 647-662 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jo Hunt ◽  
Rachel Minto

The United Kingdom’s withdrawal from the European Union (EU) is an assertion of UK nation-state sovereignty. Notwithstanding this state-centrism, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland have distinct interests to protect as part of the Brexit negotiations. This article explores how the interests of one regional case, Wales, were accommodated in the pre-negotiation phase, at a domestic level—through intergovernmental structures—and an EU level through paradiplomacy. We explore the structures for sub-state influence, Wales’ engagement with these structures and what has informed its approach. We argue that Wales’ behaviour reflects its positioning as a ‘Good Unionist’ and a ‘Good European’. Despite the weakness of intra-UK structures, Wales has preferred to pursue policy influence at a UK (not an EU) level. In Brussels, regional interests inform the context for Brexit. Here, Wales has focused on awareness-raising, highlighting that the UK Government does not command the ‘monopoly on perspectives’ towards Brexit in the United Kingdom.


2005 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 169-183 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sue Grundy ◽  
Lynn Jamieson

The continued expansion and deepening of the European Union state raises important questions about whether there will be a corresponding development of pro-supranational feeling towards Europe. This paper is based on data drawn from a European Commission (EC) funded project on the ‘Orientations of Young Men and Women to Citizenship and European Identity’. The project includes comparative surveys of ‘representative samples’ of young men and women aged 18-24 and samples of this age group on educational routes that potentially orient them to Europe beyond their national boundaries. This comparison of samples is made in paired sites with contrasting cultural and socio-political histories in terms of European affiliations and support for the European Union. The sites are: Vienna and Vorarlberg in Austria; Chemnitz and Bielefeld in East and West Germany; Madrid and Bilbao in Spain; Prague and Bratislava, the capitals of the Czech and Slovak Republics; Manchester, England and Edinburgh, Scotland in the UK. This paper examines patterns of local, national and supranational identity in the British samples in comparison to the other European sites. The typical respondent from Edinburgh and Manchester have very different orientations to their nation-state but they share a lack of European identity and disinterest in European issues that was matched only by residents of Bilbao. International comparision further demonstrates that a general correlation between levels of identification with nation-state and Europe masks a range of orientations to nation, state and Europe nurtured by a variety of geo-political contexts.


2020 ◽  
pp. 235-268
Author(s):  
Luis Cabrera

This chapter considers arrogance claims lodged by members of the UK Independence Party, against the backdrop of Britain’s “Brexit” referendum to leave the European Union (EU). Many UKIP respondents see EU institutions as inappropriately treating national communities as not authorized to set policy in line with their own distinctive national priorities. And, they argue that EU free movement rules inappropriately impose a more cosmopolitan vision of membership on national communities—especially when prospective members such as Turkey are a “poor fit” with the British nation. Some Turkish respondents challenge such poor fit claims. Further challenges are raised to democratic theory arguments that give strong emphasis to national belonging. Overall, it is shown, claims for the moral and empirical distinctiveness of nations are difficult to sustain, and thus so are nationalist objections to democracy beyond the nation-state.


2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 498-512 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arantza Gomez Arana ◽  
Jay Rowe ◽  
Alex de Ruyter ◽  
Rebecca Semmens-Wheeler ◽  
Kimberley Hill

This article explores the UK vote in 2016 to exit the European Union, colloquially known as ‘Brexit’. Brexit has been portrayed as a British backlash against globalisation and a desire for a reassertion of sovereignty by the UK as a nation-state. In this context, a vote to leave the European Union has been regarded by its protagonists as a vote to ‘take back control’ to ‘make our own laws’ and ‘let in [only] who we want’. We take a particular interest in the stance of key ‘Brexiteers’ in the UK towards regulation, with the example of the labour market. The article commences by assessing the notion of Brexit as a means to secure further market liberalisation. This analysis is then followed by an account of migration as a key issue, the withdrawal process and likely future trajectory of Brexit. We argue that in contrast to the expectations of those who voted Leave in 2016, the UK as a mid-sized open economy will be a rule-taker and will either remain in the European regulatory orbit, or otherwise drift into the American one. JEL Codes: F2, F53, F55, F66, K33


2007 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
John R. Dobson ◽  
Irina Sennikova

The free movement of labour and the creation of a European Labour Market have been the objectives of the European Union since its creation, but it is only with the 2004 enlargement that this has started to become a reality, with substantial numbers of East European workers seeking employment in the old member states. This paper uses the data from the UK Worker Registration Scheme and that compiled by the European Commission to examine the nature of this movement and its impact on the economies of both the existing and the new member states.


Author(s):  
Nataliia Boiko

The article is devoted to the formation and evolution of migration policy of British governments at the present stage. It is noted that migration processes are one of the main features of globalization. It is also claimed that the UK has always attracted migrants from different parts of the world, especially from the post-colonial countries and Eastern Europe. As a migration project, it has always been characterized by a high standard of living and a high level of wages in the European Union. However, as a member of the European Community until 2019, Britain has always differed from its European partners in its autonomy and separateness, particularly in the field of immigration policy. The author analyzes the current migration laws passed by the British governments from 1990 to 2020. The active development of migration legislation began during the premiership of the conservative John Major (1990–1997). Therefore, the Conservative government has taken steps only in the direction of quota migration flows. It was determined that the basic purpose of the migration legislation of the United Kingdom was the governments’ ability to comprehensively address the migration problem as a threat to national security. It was officially recognized during the reign of Gordon Brown (2007–2010). It has been proven that the priorities in the UK’s migration policy have been the issues of restraining and controlling the flow of immigrants, in particular their consequences for immigrants from Ukraine. Special attention is paid to the migration component of the Labor government of Tony Blair (1997–2007) and the Conservative government of Theresa May (2016–2019) as the most loyal and hostile cabinet ministers on immigration. The competition between the party principles of controlled (Labor) and rigid (Conservative) migration under their rule has led to the adoption of new laws. In essence and content, they were designed to cope with the growing migration crisis in the country. The importance of the media and information propaganda in the reflection of immigration as a trend of British domestic policy and a key cause of Brexit (2016–2019) is emphasized.


2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 620-627
Author(s):  
Maria Kousis ◽  
Christian Lahusen

Solidarity with the deprived is a mission that many civic organisations share throughout Europe. The various crises, to which the European Union has been exposed to, have fueled and constrained this collective action at the same time. This article offers an introduction into this special issue. It highlights that the objective is to provide sound empirical findings about the magnitude and structure of the organisational field and to offer theoretical insights into the forces and constraints impacting on it. In addition, it presents the unique and new datasets on which the analyses are based on and stresses their comparative approach, given research carried out across fields (migration/refugees, unemployment, and disabilities) and countries (Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Poland, Switzerland, and the UK). Finally, the introduction to the special issue argues that the organisational fields are exposed to transformations that point to a more transnational scope of activities and a more encompassing and inclusive understanding of solidarity.


2018 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-42
Author(s):  
Amy Foerster

This article explores municipal challenges to nation-state-based immigration and migration policy, as exemplified in the sanctuary city movement in the United States, the solidarity city concept as it emerged in Canada, and the more recent Solidarity Cities initiative based in the European Union. By examining the divergent history and goals of these initiatives, the article also offers an overview of the conflicts and countermobilization that have erupted regarding urban-based sanctuary, refuge and solidarity policies and movements, and offers conclusions regarding how global strategies regarding sanctuary, migrant rights, and justice are being formed.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 215 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Visvizi ◽  
Miltiadis D. Lytras

This Special Issue of Sustainability was devoted to the topic of “Sustainable Smart Cities and Smart Villages Research: Rethinking Security, Safety, Well-being, and Happiness”. It attracted significant attention of scholars, practitioners, and policy-makers from all over the world. Locating themselves at the expanding cross-section of the information systems and policy making research, all papers included in this Special Issue contribute to the debate on the exploitation of advanced information and communication technologies (ICT) for smart applications and computing for smart cities and rural areas research. By promoting a thorough scientific debate on multi-faceted challenges that our villages, cities, urban and rural areas are exposed to today, this Special Issue offers a very useful overview of the most recent developments in the multifaceted and, frequently overlapping, fields of smart cities and smart villages research. A variety of topics including well-being, happiness, security, Open Democracy, Open Government, Smart Education, Smart Innovation, and Migration have been addressed in this Special Issue. In this way they define the direction for future research in both domains.


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