Kant and Herder on colonialism, indigenous peoples, and minority nations

2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 360-392 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vicki A. Spencer

It is the orthodox view in the cosmopolitan and normative international relations literature that Immanuel Kant is a staunch critic of European colonialism. This paper offers a far more critical stance towards Kant’s position with respect to minority nations and stateless Indigenous peoples through an analysis that draws on the criticisms developed by his contemporary and former student, Johann Gottfried Herder. The paper proceeds in three parts. In the first section, I present the evidence in favour of seeing both Kant and Herder as strident opponents of colonialism. In the second section, I then show the problems that arise in Kant’s position when his views on the state and property rights are taken into consideration. Kant’s coupling of the nation and state in contrast to Herder’s insistence that they are separate entities is highlighted as a crucial distinguishing point in their positions. In the third and final section, I indicate how Herder provides a far deeper critique of colonialism than Kant, also due to his recognition of the problematic nature of ideological pronouncements of progress.

Author(s):  
Philipp Zehmisch

This chapter considers the history of Andaman migration from the institutionalization of a penal colony in 1858 to the present. It unpicks the dynamic relationship between the state and the population by investigating genealogies of power and knowledge. Apart from elaborating on subaltern domination, the chapter also reconstructs subaltern agency in historical processes by re-reading scholarly literature, administrative publications, and media reports as well as by interpreting fieldwork data and oral history accounts. The first part of the chapter defines migration and shows how it applies to the Andamans. The second part concentrates on colonial policies of subaltern population transfer to the islands and on the effects of social engineering processes. The third part analyses the institutionalization of the postcolonial regime in the islands and elaborates on the various types of migration since Indian Independence. The final section considers contemporary political negotiations of migration in the islands.


Author(s):  
Carlos Aurélio Pimenta de Faria

The purpose of this article is to analyze teaching and research on foreign policy in Brazil in the last two decades. The first section discusses how the main narratives about the evolution of International Relations in Brazil, considered as an area of knowledge, depict the place that has been designed, in the same area, to the study of foreign policy. The second section is devoted to an assessment of the status of foreign policy in IR teaching in the country, both at undergraduate and scricto sensu graduate programs. There is also a mapping and characterization of theses and dissertations which had foreign policy as object. The third section assesses the space given to studies on foreign policy in three academic forums nationwide, namely: the meetings of ABRI (Brazilian Association of International Relations), the ABCP (Brazilian Association of Political Science) and ANPOCS (National Association of Graduate Programs and Research in Social Sciences). In the fourth section there is a mapping and characterization of the published articles on foreign policy between 1990 and 2010, in the following IR Brazilian journals: Cena Internacional, Contexto Internacional, Política Externa and Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional. At last, the fifth and final section seeks to assess briefly the importance that comparative studies have in the sub-area of foreign policy in the country. The final considerations make a general assessment of the empirical research presented in the previous sections.


2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 251-269
Author(s):  
Richard Healey

Much of the debate around requirements for the free, prior, and informed consent of indigenous peoples has focused on enabling indigenous communities to participate in various forms of democratic decision-making alongside the state and other actors. Against this backdrop, this article sets out to defend three claims. The first two of these claims are conceptual in nature: (i) Giving (collective) consent and participating in the making of (collective) decisions are distinct activities; (ii) Despite some scepticism, there is a coherent conception of collective consent available to us, continuous with the notion of individual consent familiar from discussions in medical and sexual ethics. The third claim is normative: (iii) Participants in debates about free, prior, and informed consent must keep this distinction in view. That is because a group’s ability to give or withhold consent, and not only participate in making decisions, will play an important role in realising that collectives’ right to self-determination.


2010 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 183-224
Author(s):  
Daniel Francis

Abstract The orthodox view of antitrust, or competition, law is that it should be interpreted and enforced purely to maximise economic efficiency. This chapter argues that it is by no means so clear that the maximization of efficiency should be the sole aim of competition law, either as a matter of common-law tradition or as a matter of ‘original’ legislative intent. Moreover, such a narrow approach neglects the important social and political components and consequences of antitrust policy and adjudication. This chapter further argues that antitrust law exhibits a striking resemblance, in many ways, to constitutional law, in particular to the extent that it constitutes a social and political response, administered by courts, to three particularly problematic applications of power—the ‘exclusion, invasion and abuse’ of the title. The first section of the chapter introduces these themes. In the second section, the exclusion-invasion-abuse model is described and the implications of each broad type of rule are explored. In the third section, the historical development of modern antitrust law is traced in order to show that the ‘pure efficiency’ standard lacks any credible historical claim to particular authority or authenticity. The fourth and final section, a brief survey of competing normative accounts of antitrust law offers in order to demonstrate the extent to which a myopic focus on efficiency can occlude the underlying policy consequences of antitrust law and policy-making.


2010 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 183-224
Author(s):  
Daniel Francis

AbstractThe orthodox view of antitrust, or competition, law is that it should be interpreted and enforced purely to maximise economic efficiency. This chapter argues that it is by no means so clear that the maximization of efficiency should be the sole aim of competition law, either as a matter of common-law tradition or as a matter of ‘original’ legislative intent. Moreover, such a narrow approach neglects the important social and political components and consequences of antitrust policy and adjudication. This chapter further argues that antitrust law exhibits a striking resemblance, in many ways, to constitutional law, in particular to the extent that it constitutes a social and political response, administered by courts, to three particularly problematic applications of power—the ‘exclusion, invasion and abuse’ of the title. The first section of the chapter introduces these themes. In the second section, the exclusion-invasion-abuse model is described and the implications of each broad type of rule are explored. In the third section, the historical development of modern antitrust law is traced in order to show that the ‘pure efficiency’ standard lacks any credible historical claim to particular authority or authenticity. The fourth and final section, a brief survey of competing normative accounts of antitrust law offers in order to demonstrate the extent to which a myopic focus on efficiency can occlude the underlying policy consequences of antitrust law and policy-making.


Author(s):  
Grzegorz Sambor

The Republic of Poland, like any other country, is exposed to a number of external and internal threats. The rapidly changing geopolitical situation as well as civilisational and technological development are creating new threats in the sphere of internal stability of a state, whose condition affects not only its institutions, but also its citizens and international relations. As we known, the concept of state includes the following three elements: a particular territory, the population living on that territory and a sovereign power (government) of supreme authority. Since systemic security is linked to the third of these elements, undoubtedly its preservation is important for the existence of the State


1976 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-213
Author(s):  
James A. Nathan

There are at least three ways we can describe international political behavior: (1) We can view international relations as taking place in an arena marked by military competition for the scarce commodity named security; (2) we can see international political behavior as a complex set of human interaction, where the ‘high politics’ of military policy is being eroded by the increasing stalemate of power and the emergence of global interdependencies; and (3) we can see international politics as an arena of moral obligation. Each of these views implies a different prognosis of the future. A future world based on power seems, however, little likely, given the diminishing utility of the state to serve traditional security ends and the erosion of the use of force. An increasingly interdependent world is possible, but there is no governmental structure presently developing which seems likely to manage these dependencies. And there is little likelihood the third view will receive sufficient institutional sustenance.


Author(s):  
Sarah Song

Public debate about immigration proceeds on the assumption that each country has the right to control its own borders. But what, if anything, justifies the modern state’s power over borders? This chapter provides an answer in three parts. First, it examines the earliest immigration law cases in U.S. history and finds that the leading theorist they rely upon falls short of providing adequate normative justification of the state’s right to control immigration. In the second part, it turns to contemporary political theory and philosophy, critically assessing three leading arguments for the state’s right to control immigration: (1) national identity, (2) freedom of association, and (3) ownership/property. The third and final section offers an alternative argument based on the requirements of democracy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Víctor Manuel López Pastor

Resumen: La finalidad de este trabajo es triple: (a)-realizar una introducción a la temática de la evaluación formativa y compartida en docencia universitaria y sus conexiones con el proceso de convergencia hacía el Espacio Europeo de Educación Superior (EEES); (b)-establecer una aclaración conceptual de los diferentes términos que se están utilizando actualmente en la literatura especializada en relación con la evaluación formativa y la participación del alumnado en la evaluación; (c)-realizar una breve introducción a la propuesta de Evaluación Formativa y Compartida en docencia universitaria que hemos desarrollado desde la Red. El contexto en el que se sitúa los trabajos de este monográfico es la Red de Evaluación Formativa y Compartida en docencia universitaria, su evolución y las diferentes líneas de innovación e investigación que está desarrollando desde hace seis años. En el primer apartado realizamos una introducción al tema y su conexión con el proceso de Convergencia hacía el EEES. En el segundo llevamos a cabo una aclaración conceptual y terminológica sobre evaluación formativa y compartida en la universidad; también explicamos la confusión que ha surgido en los últimos años y apuntamos una solución para superarla. En el tercer apartado analizamos el estado de la cuestión sobre evaluación formativa y compartida en la universidad, así como las evidencias encontradas hasta el momento sobre sus ventajas respecto a los modelos tradicionales. En el cuarto y último apartado presentamos, de forma resumida, una propuesta concreta y contrastada de evaluación formativa y compartida en la universidad que puede ser aplicada a cualquier contexto. Formative and shared assessment in higher education. Clarifying concepts and proposing interventions from the Formative and Shared Assessment Network Abstract: The purpose of this paper is threefold: (a)-making an introduction to the formative and shared assessment at Higher Education teaching and tracing its connections within the process of convergence towards the Higher Education European Area (HEEA), (b) - establishing a conceptual clarification of the different terms that are currently used in the literature in relation to the formative assessment and student participation in assessment, (c)- making a brief introduction to the proposal of Formative and Shared Assessment in Higher Education that we have developed from our Network. The monograph included in this issue is based on the Formative and Shared Assessment Network in Higher Education , and it shows the evolution and the different lines of innovation and research that participants have been developed for six years. In the first section of this paper an introduction of the Formative and Shared Assessment in Higher Education and its connection with the process of Convergence towards the HEEA is showed. In the second section we carry out a conceptual and terminological clarification on the Formative and Shared Assessment in Higher Education, suggesting some solutions for the terminological confusion on this issue that has arisen in recent years In the third section we analyze the state of the formative and shared assessment in Higher Education and the evidence found so far on its advantages regarding traditional models. In the fourth and final section we show a concrete proposal of formative and shared assessment in higher education that has been proved within our Network and which could be applied to other contexts.


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