Sensitivity to Injustice of Politicians and Voters

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Reinhaus ◽  
Holger Jelich ◽  
Volker Tschuschke ◽  
Anett Wolgast

Abstract. This explorative study compares the sensitivity to injustice of 116 Members of the German National Parliament and 998 German citizens eligible to vote, from the perspective of a victim, an observer, a beneficiary, and a perpetrator. Politicians were found to have a significantly higher observer, beneficiary, and perpetrator sensitivity and a significantly lower victim sensitivity than voters. These results fit with the findings that observer and perpetrator sensitivity usually correlates positively with political engagement and beneficiary sensitivity, whereas victim sensitivity correlates negatively with political commitment.

Author(s):  
David Fearn

Eschewing historicist certainties, this chapter reassesses the political salience of Alcaeus’ lyric poetry by investigating his literary contribution to sympotic culture. Placing Alcaeus’ politically engaged voices within recent theoretical perspectives on deixis, ecphrasis, and the distinctiveness of lyric as a literary mode, the chapter argues that Alcaeus makes a systematic issue of the question of the accessibility of the contexts gestured towards, and in so doing opens up as an alluring prospect the idea of political engagement through literature. The literary and cultural significance of proverbial statements in Alcaeus is also discussed. Alcaeus’ lyric claims are felt across time and space via their special foregrounding of both material culture and political engagement, through performance and reception.


2011 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-202
Author(s):  
MÁRIO VIEIRA DE CARVALHO

AbstractIn this article the highly contested relationship between art and politics in the twentieth century is discussed by way of the life and work of the Portuguese composer Fernando Lopes-Graça (1906–94). Lopes-Graça, who described himself as ‘a communist from birth’, lived for almost fifty years in Salazar's ‘New State’, a Fascist-type dictatorship, which emerged from a military putsch in 1926 and lasted until 1974. His experience as a communist under a right-wing régime was therefore very different from that of either communist composers living in Western democratic countries or those active in the Eastern bloc. Lopes-Graça stood apart from most other party intellectuals in his resistance to the doctrine of socialist realism. Yet from 1945 onwards he composed revolutionary songs in which his communist engagement is directly evident. Understanding this apparent tension within his output requires both a careful and nuanced understanding of his own personal position and a clear distinction between political engagement in music on the one hand and socialist realist or neo-realist tendencies on the other. It is that latter distinction – between (in the composer's own terms) ‘lived action’ and ‘imagined action’ – that accounts for the seemingly contradictory coexistence in Lopes-Graça's thinking of aesthetic autonomy and political commitment, and in his music of (to adopt categories posited by Heinrich Besseler) both ‘presentational’ music (for conventional concert settings) and ‘colloquial’ music (to be sung and played ad libitum in political meetings, at demonstrations, in the home, or even in political prisons).


2017 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 192-208 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dimitrios E Efthymiou

Recent work on partisanship has highlighted the role of political parties in rendering democracy and justice widely accessible to citizens. In these recent works, a distinction is drawn between a contemporary conception of partisanship that focuses on fidelity to political parties and a classic conception that emphasises the importance of a civic ethos of active political engagement. I argue that these two conceptions of partisanship are not so disparate if we focus on the role of political parties in promoting civic commitment and contestation. More specifically, I show how a normative account of partisanship can contribute to a defence of a civic ethos of political commitment. I then argue that commitment leads to contestation among both partisans and non-partisans, and that polities lacking active contestation of political commitments are in one significant respect less well off than those societies where there is such contestation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 283-294
Author(s):  
Galina F. Voronenkova ◽  
Maria G. Maslina

The article discusses the connection of four daily newspapers of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg - “Luxemburger Wort”, “Tageblatt”, “Lëtzebuerger Journal” and “Zeitung vum Lëtzebuerger Vollek” - with the party system. The scientific novelty of the research lies in the fact that the Luxembourg press has never been studied by Russian scientists either in general or from the point of view of political engagement, which the authors study in four aspects: historical, in point of content, economic and audience (in this case it’s about media preferences of politicians - party members). However, there is a positive side to the political commitment of the Luxembourg editions: the connection with political parties contributes to maintaining the diversity of the newspaper landscape of Luxembourg.


2015 ◽  
Vol 144 (144) ◽  
Author(s):  
FANI KOUNTOURI

<p><em>The aim of this article is to question two major political shifts occurring in Greece during the recent economic, political and social crisis. The first is related to the collapse of political commitment (declining levels of political trust, political interest and institutionalized forms of political engagement). The second is associated to the resurgence of civic and political engagement as indicated by the appearance of new forms of political participation. Two main issues are under investigation</em><em>: </em><em>the rise of new forms of political and civic engagement in a context of declining levels of important political variables </em><em>and the specific role </em><em>ο</em><em>f online media as one of the factors that influence patterns of engagement</em><em>. More specifically, we question whether the debt crisis contributed to the emergence of a new political agent that acts in a more collective and participatory way, if there are some specific attributes to those participatory types and if the use of the net can generate political engagement. The above hypotheses are investigated utilizing empirical data from the European Social Survey (ESS) and from the National Centre for Social Research (EKKE). </em></p>


Eco-ethica ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 93-107
Author(s):  
Jacob Dahl Rendtorff ◽  

This article presents Jean-Paul Sartre’s concept of the tension between existence and politics and the role of political commitment in existentialist philosophy. Based on Sartre’s concept of engagement, the article analyzes the transition from the personal to the political perceived as a movement from personal moral consciousness to the awareness of the importance of the individual as a social actor and citizen in society. Sartre’s concept of political engagement can be characterized as critical intellectual commitment and “Socratic Citizenship.” Accordingly, this article is also an acknowledgment of the two important philosophers of ecoethica, Tomonbu Imamichi and Peter Kemp, both committed public intellectuals who said that the role of the philosopher is to contribute to the public affair of cosmopolitan society. Thus, the article presents the political engagement in four major parts: (1) From the existential to political engagement, (2) Political commitment as a struggle for human freedom, (3) The Socratic Citizenship, and (4). Conditions of authentic political action. Political engagement represents an effort to realize the respect owed to each individual as a universal singular, as well as that owed to freedom and democracy in the Kingdom of Ends.


2006 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 160-173 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Senokozlieva ◽  
Oliver Fischer ◽  
Gary Bente ◽  
Nicole Krämer

Abstract. TV news are essentially cultural phenomena. Previous research suggests that the often-overlooked formal and implicit characteristics of newscasts may be systematically related to culture-specific characteristics. Investigating these characteristics by means of a frame-by-frame content analysis is identified as a particularly promising methodological approach. To examine the relationship between culture and selected formal characteristics of newscasts, we present an explorative study that compares material from the USA, the Arab world, and Germany. Results indicate that there are many significant differences, some of which are in line with expectations derived from cultural specifics. Specifically, we argue that the number of persons presented as well as the context in which they are presented can be interpreted as indicators of Individualism/Collectivism. The conclusions underline the validity of the chosen methodological approach, but also demonstrate the need for more comprehensive and theory-driven category schemes.


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