Legislation: Proposition 9 may increase per capita rate for school districts

2003 ◽  
Author(s):  
2013 ◽  
Vol 280 (1763) ◽  
pp. 20130523 ◽  
Author(s):  
William F. Fagan ◽  
Yanthe E. Pearson ◽  
Elise A. Larsen ◽  
Heather J. Lynch ◽  
Jessica B. Turner ◽  
...  

The maximum per capita rate of population growth, r , is a central measure of population biology. However, researchers can only directly calculate r when adequate time series, life tables and similar datasets are available. We instead view r as an evolvable, synthetic life-history trait and use comparative phylogenetic approaches to predict r for poorly known species. Combining molecular phylogenies, life-history trait data and stochastic macroevolutionary models, we predicted r for mammals of the Caniformia and Cervidae. Cross-validation analyses demonstrated that, even with sparse life-history data, comparative methods estimated r well and outperformed models based on body mass. Values of r predicted via comparative methods were in strong rank agreement with observed values and reduced mean prediction errors by approximately 68 per cent compared with two null models. We demonstrate the utility of our method by estimating r for 102 extant species in these mammal groups with unknown life-history traits.


2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Monica Nordberg ◽  
Douglas M. Templeton ◽  
Ole Andersen ◽  
John H. Duffus

2006 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Craig Budden ◽  
Yu Hsing

Based on a sample of 63 school districts in the state of Louisiana during academic year 2003-2004, we find that a higher (IOWA) test score is associated with higher attendance rates, smaller class sizes, more qualified teachers, more discipline, less spending per student, lower poverty rates, and lower per capita personal income. Therefore, we need to continue to pursue qualified teachers, smaller class sizes, and more discipline.


Worldview ◽  
1959 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 4-7
Author(s):  
James Greene

The speed with which economics has sped to the front of the Cold War over the past four years has caught the West-used to diplomatic maneuvering and “little wars”-off guard. We have, as yet, no adequate answer to what may well prove to be Communism's most devastating weapon-a Soviet economy producing at a greater per capita rate than the United States. No nation of free men ever rallied round a column of statistics, and yet, clearly, that is where the current battle between East and West has moved.The change, it now seems, was inevitable. When they continue for any period of time, “total” wars, both hot and cold, slip more and more from the grasp of those charged with diplomacy and come to rest upon the impersonal powers of clashing armies, armies either on the battlefields or in the factories.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1991 ◽  
Vol 88 (2) ◽  
pp. 386-389
Author(s):  
MARIANNE B. SUTTON ◽  
MICHAEL WEITZMAN ◽  
JONATHAN HOWLAND

The solid waste crisis is currently receiving extensive publicity in the lay press and increasing attention from the government (Newsweek. November 27, 1989:76; Council for Solid Waste Solutions, Washington, DC, unpublished data).1-3 The United States has the highest per capita rate of solid waste production among industrialized nations, more than three pounds per person each day, resulting in 160 million tons of solid waste each year (Newsweek. November 27, 1989). Disposable diapers contribute significantly to this problem and have, in fact, become a symbol of the solid waste crisis.4-6 Marketing surveys estimate that 80% of infants in the United States use disposable diapers.7,8


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lloyd Chambless

AbstractIn our recent paper Why do per capita COVID-19 Case Rates Differ Between U.S. States? we established that U.S. states with a Democratic governor and a Democratic legislature have lower COVID-19 per capita case rates than states with a Republican governor and a Republican legislature, and case rates of states with a mixed government fall between the two. This difference remained after accounting for differences between states in several demographic and socio-economic variables. In a recent working paper The Changing Political Geographies of COVID-19 in the U.S. it was found that that early in the pandemic U.S. counties at higher levels of percentage Democratic vote in the 2016 presidential election had higher weekly per capita COVID-19 rates, but that the situation was in the opposite direction by August 2020. We show here that counties with a higher percentage of Democratic vote in the 2016 presidential election have a lower mean cumulative per capita rate of COVID-19 cases and of COVID-19 deaths, adjusted for county demographic and socio-economic characteristics, but only for counties in states that currently have a Democratic governor and both chambers of the legislature Democratic or in states that have a mixed government, but not for states that currently have a Republican governor and both chambers in the legislature Republican. One possible contributor to this difference is that some state Republican governments have restricted local action to fight the spread of COVID-19.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Agnew

AbstractA pathogen’s virulence is a key parameter in the mathematical models on which most epidemiological theory is based. In these models virulence generally has a very specific definition where it is the increased per capita rate of mortality of infected hosts due to infection. Empirical studies involving the experimental infection of hosts often estimate virulence with the aim of comparing these estimates to values or patterns predicted in the theoretical literature. However most empirical studies do not estimate virulence as it is defined in the theoretical literature, thus potentially confounding comparisons between the two approaches. Here the analysis of relative survival is applied to the type of data routinely generated in empirical studies to estimate virulence as it is defined in the theoretical literature. The theoretical grounds for approach are outlined, followed by worked examples estimating the virulence of different pathogens with data from published studies. Code allowing virulence to be estimated by maximum likelihood with R is provided.


2011 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-83
Author(s):  
julie green

Texas, home to cattle ranches and more death-row executions than any other state, doesn’t allow steak for a final meal. If you order steak in Texas, you get hamburger. I have always been focused on food. As a kid, I won eating contests; these days I grow organic produce. The years I spent in Oklahoma, which has the highest per capita rate of executions, turned my interest in food toward final meals. The Last Supper is a series of ceramic plates illustrating final meal requests in the United States. Starting in Norma, Oklahoma in 1999, I have painted 420 plates to date. I plan to continue adding fifty more each year until capital punishment is abolished. When looking at the inmates’ humble choices, it is important to note that while rituals and traditions vary, most states limit final-meal allowances to twenty dollars. Maryland is the only state that does not allow any meal selection. A last cigarette is permitted in some prisons. Alcohol is prohibited in all. Texas denies bubble gum. Sometimes requests provide clues about personality, race, and region. An Oregon inmate’s final meal request closed with “I would appreciate the eggs hot.” And who wouldn’t? The Last Supper plates have travelled to nine states and the UK. The project has been included in the book Confrontational Ceramics by Judith Schwartz, on the radio program The Splendid Table and on Southern California Public Radio.


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