Seeds, food and trade wars: Public opinion and policy responses in the USA and Europe

2004 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 258-267 ◽  
Author(s):  
Toby A Ten Eyck ◽  
George Gaskell ◽  
Jonathan Jackson
10.5912/jcb81 ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Toby A Ten Eyck ◽  
George Gaskell ◽  
Jonathan Jackson

The political debate over genetically modified foods entered a new phase when the USA (under the Bush Administration) threatened legal actions within the World Trade Organization (WTO) against a moratorium of these products in the European Union. This paper focuses on developing a societal context in which these political disputes arose though an investigation of public opinion polls conducted in both the USA and Europe. While some differences do exist with regards to opinions toward biotechnology, any contention that the WTO case is a direct outcome of public opinion is tenuous. The special interest groups that have vested interests in supporting or opposing biotechnology are likely to be the ones fanning the transatlantic flames, and arguing that public opinion is in their favour.


Author(s):  
O. Yatchuk ◽  
N. Kodatska

<div><p><em>The article presents the dynamics of the main factors for the development of modern television, the transition from traditional technologies of television broadcasting to the latest technologies. The process of developing digital television and broadband has been technically determined to address the challenge of integrating new technologies into traditional TV content. Ways of expanding the possibilities of interaction between the viewer and the television producer in the context of overcoming the crisis of traditional technologies are analyzed. It is determined that integration, development of mobile communications and Internet technologies are a hallmark of the modern world media space and have a significant influence on the formation of public opinion. The analysis of actual media researches concerning problems of the theory of mass communication is carried out. The phenomenon of «social television», which combines watching TV with simultaneous communication in social networks, is considered. The author draws attention to the disclosure of the determining factors of media communication, the study of the process of feedback from viewers on television. It is stated that the development of modern technologies, namely digital broadcasting and introduction of broadband Internet access to create a multimedia platform that combines Internet communication services and television content, contributes to improving the mechanism of interaction between the TV and the viewer. The theory of the conceptualization of journalism based on identity construction is examined: journalists understand their audience and, as members of that audience, connect with their communities. An analysis of integrated journalistic activity is conducted, which consists of three stages: gathering, editing and disseminating information. It is determined that the influence of the Internet allows the consumer to play his or her role at each stage, thus helping the journalist determine the degree of relevance of the story to himself and to the potential audience. The common features of modern telecontent were singled out and a comparative analysis of the trend of development of interactive TV programs of the USA, UK and Ukraine was made.</em></p></div><p><strong><em>Key words:</em></strong><em> public opinion, two-vector communication, feedback, communication methods, television audience, country telephony.</em></p>


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-34
Author(s):  
Omer Solodoch

Abstract In response to the political turmoil surrounding the recent refugee crisis, destination countries swiftly implemented new immigration and asylum policies. Are such countercrisis policies effective in mitigating political instability by reducing anti-immigrant backlash and support for radical-right parties? The present study exploits two surveys that were coincidentally fielded during significant policy changes, sampling respondents right before and immediately after the change. I employ a regression discontinuity design to identify the short-term causal effect of the policy change on public opinion within a narrow window of the sampling period. The findings show that both Swedish border controls and the EU–Turkey agreement significantly reduced public opposition to immigration in Sweden and Germany, respectively. In Germany, support for the AfD party also decreased following the new policy. Public opinion time trends suggest that the policy effects were short lived in Sweden but durable in Germany. These effects are similar across different levels of proximity to the border and are accompanied by increasing political trust and a sense of government control over the situation. The findings have implications for understanding the impact of border controls on international public opinion, as well as for assessing the electoral effect of policy responses to global refugee crises.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 223-226
Author(s):  
Sergey Olegovich Buranok

The following paper deals with the research of the place and value of Russias foreign policy and its reflection in the USA public opinion. The study of information campaign around USSRs foreign policy has its specifics and value: first, it gives a chance to establish new, unknown facts; secondly, to determine the level of knowledge of another (in this case, American) society about the Soviet foreign policy; thirdly, to understand what place information about Soviet foreign policy took in the USA in the system of the USSR image creation, the image of the Soviet revolution. This paper uses materials of the USA press about USSRs foreign policy in 1939. Besides, the author analyzes the image of the Soviet foreign policy in the American society. The information campaign around USSRs foreign policy could report to the world about the Soviet foreign policy achievements as well as promote preparation (in the information plan) to the following large project - the image of the Soviet ally. Articles, reports, notes on USSRs foreign policy of 1939 helped to change the attitude towards Russia / the USSR in the USA and helped to correct the image of the USSR in the world.


Author(s):  
Przemysław Potocki

The article is based on an analysis of certain aspects of how the public opinion of selected nations in years 2001–2016 perceived the American foreign policy and the images of two Presidents of the United States (George W. Bush, Barack Obama). In order to achieve these research goals some polling indicators were constructed. They are linked with empirical assessments related to the foreign policy of the U.S. and the political activity of two Presidents of the United States of America which are constructed by nations in three segments of the world system. Results of the analysis confirmed the research hypotheses. The position of a given nation in the structure of the world system influenced the dynamics of perception and the directions of empirical assessments (positive/negative) of that nation’s public opinion about the USA.


2015 ◽  
Vol 59 (12) ◽  
pp. 30-40
Author(s):  
V. Vasil'ev

The article investigates approaches taken by major political parties and civil society in the FRG toward the Transatlantic partnership. It reveals the tendencies of the prospective promotion of Berlin’s cooperation with Washington; the article also gives a forecast of further interaction between the EU and the USA, indicates the direction of discourse regarding the future Russia–Germany relations model in the context of the Ukrainian crisis and in reference to the increased transatlantic solidarity. Disputes in German socio-political circles on the issue of the FRG’s policy toward the U.S. are emerging all the time, but they have to be considered within a concrete historical and political context. Being of primary significance for all German chancellors, the Trans-Atlantic factor has been shaping itself in a controversial way as to the nation’s public opinion. This has been confirmed by many opinion polls, including the survey on the signing of the EU–U.S. Agreement on the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership. Chancellor A. Merkel is playing an important role: she is either ascribed full compliancy with Washington, or is being tentatively shown as a consistent government figure in advancing and upholding of Germany's and the EU's interests. A. Merkel has implemented her peace-seeking drive in undoing the Ukrainian tangle by setting up the “Normandy format” involving the leaders of Germany, France, Russia and Ukraine while having cleared it through with the U.S. President B. Obama well in advance. Despite the increasing criticism of Washington’s policy among some part of Germans, for the majority of German voters, the USA remains a country of implementable hopes, the only power in the world possessing a high education level and the most advanced technologies. Americans, for their part, are confident of the important role that Berlin plays in world politics, particularly in what concerns the maintenance of unity within the EU. Berlin aims at further constructive interaction with the USA in the frame of NATO as well as within other Trans-Atlantic formats. Notwithstanding the steady tendency toward increasing of the Washington policy’s critical perception degree in German society, officially Berlin continues as Washington’s true ally, partner and friend. There is every reason to believe that after the 2017 Bundestag elections, the new (the former) Chancellor will have to face a modernized Trans-Atlantic partnership philosophy, with a paradigm also devised in the spirit of the bloc discipline and commitments to allies. The main concern for Berlin is not to lose its sovereign right of decision-making, including the one that deals with problems of European security and relations with Moscow. Regrettably, Germany is not putting forward any innovative ideas on aligning a new architecture of European security with Russia’s participation. Meanwhile, German scholars and experts are trying to work out a tentative algorithm of a gradual return to the West’s full-fledged dialogue with Russia, which, unfortunately, is qualified as an opponent by many politicians. Predictably, the Crimea issue will remain a long-lasting political irritant in relations between Russia and Germany. Although not every aspect of Berlin’s activation in its foreign policy finds support of the German public, and the outburst of anti-American feeling is obvious, experts believe that the government of the FRG is “merely taking stock of these phenomena and ignores them”. Evident is the gap between the government's line and the feeling of the German parties’ basis – the public. It is noteworthy that the FRG has not yet adopted the Law on Holding General Federal Referendums on key issues of the domestic and foreign policy. There is every indication to assume that the real causes of abandoning the nationwide referendums are the reluctance of the German ruling bureaucracy and even its apprehensions of the negative voting returns on sensitive problems, – such as basic documents and decisions of the EU, the export of German arms, relations with the U.S., etc. The harmony between Berlin’s "Realpolitik" and German public opinion is not yet discernible within the system of Trans-Atlantic axes.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 721-742
Author(s):  
Nicolas Lamp

ABSTRACT What role can the multilateral trade regime play in the trade wars triggered by the USA under the Trump administration? This article argues that the traditional goal of dispute settlement in the WTO—the positive resolution of disputes—has become largely unattainable in the circumstances of the trade wars, but that the regime can still play a valuable role by providing a framework for the rebalancing of obligations among the participants. Using the regime in this way would defuse tensions among the participants, would ensure that any new equilibrium that they achieve is integrated into the legal structure of the trade regime, and would provide the participants the opportunity to use the trade regime’s tools for solving disagreements at the margins, thereby lowering the risk that trade retaliation will spiral out of control. The article uses the example of non-violation claims in the context of national security measures to illustrate the potential for and benefits of re-integrating the trade wars into the multilateral trade regime. The article provides a detailed discussion of the legal justification for non-violation complaints in response to national security measures and argues that such claims provide an alternative course of action that is less confrontational than unilateral retaliation or violation claims, and faster to adjudicate than violation claims.


2021 ◽  
Vol 167 (3-4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine Chen ◽  
Bo MacInnis ◽  
Matthew Waltman ◽  
Jon A. Krosnick

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