Candidates rather than context shape campaign sentiment in French Presidential Elections (1965–2017)

French Politics ◽

10.1057/s41253-021-00159-5 ◽

2021 ◽

Author(s):

Martin Haselmayer

Keyword(s):

Political Communication ◽

Presidential Elections ◽

Electoral Competition ◽

Electoral System ◽

French Presidential Elections ◽

Candidate Characteristics ◽

The Usa ◽

Context Shape ◽

Negative Tone ◽

The Impact

AbstractThe manuscript explores whether and how the strategic context of elections and candidate attributes affect campaign sentiment. Studying five decades of French presidential elections, it provides the first longitudinal test of campaign tone outside the USA. Thereby, the paper examines concerns of an increase in negativity due to changes in electoral competition. It takes leverage from the electoral system, to study whether the strategic environment of elections (first vs. second rounds of elections) or candidate characteristics (ideology and outsider status) determine the use of positive and negative tone. To this end, the paper applies sentiment analysis to personal manifestos (professions de foi) issued by all candidates running in presidential elections (1965–2017) and validates the French Lexicoder Sentiment Dictionary for longitudinal studies of campaign tone. Results reject worries about an increase in negativity in French elections over time. Moreover, while context matters to some extent, candidate attributes are by far more important for explaining campaign sentiment in presidential races. The findings contribute to research on the role of sentiment in electoral competition and tackle broader issues related to the impact of positive and negative political communication for elections and democracies.

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Voters reward hard-working MPs: empirical evidence from the French legislative elections

European Political Science Review ◽

10.1017/s1755773919000274 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 11 (4) ◽

pp. 469-483 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Abel François ◽

Julien Navarro

Keyword(s):

Empirical Evidence ◽

Political System ◽

Presidential Elections ◽

Electoral System ◽

Vote Share ◽

Legislative Elections ◽

National Assembly ◽

The Impact ◽

The Relationship ◽

Legislative Election

AbstractThis paper studies the relationship between incumbent MPs’ activities and their electoral fortune. We address this question in the context of the French political system characterized by an executive domination, a candidate-centered electoral system, and an electoral schedule maximizing the impact of the presidential elections. Given the contradictory influence of these three institutional features on the relationship between MPs’ activities and electoral results, the overall link can only be assessed empirically. We test the effects of several measurements of MPs’ activities on both their vote share and reelection probability in the 2007 legislative election. We show that MPs’ activities are differently correlated to both the incumbents’ vote shares in the first round and their reelection. Despite the weakness of the French National Assembly, several parliamentary activities, especially bill initiation, have a significant effect on MPs’ electoral prospects.

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Electoral competition in the elections of the representative local self-government bodies in Chelyabinsk: before and after the 2014 reform

Socium i vlast ◽

10.22394/1996-0522-2021-4-69-82 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 4 ◽

pp. 69-82

Author(s):

Oleg Vydrin ◽

Keyword(s):

Electoral Competition ◽

Electoral System ◽

Municipal Elections ◽

Agent Model ◽

Observation Units ◽

Before And After ◽

Principal Agent Model ◽

The Impact ◽

First Time ◽

The City

Introduction. The article examines the dynamics of electoral competition over four electoral cycles from 2005 to 2019 as exemplified by forming representative bodies of local self-government in the city of Chelyabinsk. Particular attention is paid to the impact that the transition of Chelyabinsk to a twotier model of forming local self-government bodies in 2014 had on the electoral competition. The purpose of the paper is to study the dynamics of electoral competition in municipal elections in Chelyabinsk before and after the 2014 reform. Methods. The empirical basis of the study is the database “Electoral competition in the elections of municipal deputies of Chelyabinsk (2005—2019)”, which includes 414 observation units. The analysis of the empirical material is carried out according to the method of G.V. Golosov’s triangle of relative sizes, proposed for classifying party systems and adapted for analyzing elections in single-mandate constituencies. Scientific novelty. The author suggests a methodology for analyzing electoral competition in singlemandate constituencies. For the first time, the phenomenon of “controlled competition” is analyzed on the basis of 4 municipal elections cycles. Results. The analysis makes it possible to speak about fluctuations in electoral competition, its decline in 2009 and 2014 compared to the 2005 elections and increasing by the 2019 elections Conclusions. The “controlled competition” was formed in Chelyabinsk in the period preceding the reform of 2014. The reform introduced a level of local self-government, the effectiveness and necessity of which is not obvious with the existing design of the electoral system. In the course of the reform, the principal-agent model of relations between local self-government bodies and state authorities was finally consolidated. The reform contributed to conserving the “controlled competition”.

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May 1968, Sartre and Sarkozy

PhaenEx ◽

10.22329/p.v4i2.2912 ◽

2009 ◽

Vol 4 (2) ◽

pp. 1

Author(s):

JEAN-PIERRE BOULÉ

Keyword(s):

Presidential Elections ◽

French Presidential Elections ◽

New Type ◽

May 1968 ◽

May 68 ◽

The 1950S ◽

The Impact

This article begins by analysing the impact of May ’68 on Sartre. The article then attempts to show similarities and then differences between Sartre wanting to be a "new intellectual" and Sarkozy a "new type of politician," based on Sarkozy’s (in)famous speech given in Bercy in April 2007 prior to the second round of voting in the French Presidential elections when he launched into a most virulent attack on the spirit of May ’68. Finally, I argue that Sarkozy wants to go back to the time of colonialism in the 1950s and 1960s, reclaiming in the process de Gaulle’s heritage.

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Comparing the PRI Experience to Kenya and Taiwan

10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190628512.003.0010 ◽

2017 ◽

Author(s):

Joy K. Langston

Keyword(s):

Electoral Competition ◽

Electoral System ◽

Authoritarian Regimes ◽

Executive Power ◽

Party Organization ◽

Electoral Rules ◽

National Union ◽

Party Leaders ◽

The Impact

The final chapter applies the argument based on the Mexican experience to other authoritarian regimes with strong parties that transitioned to democracy: Kenya and Taiwan. Kenya African National Union (KANU) practically disappeared because electoral rules allowed politicians to win elections without strong labels. In Taiwan, the Kuomintang survived and returned to power after two terms out of executive power, in large part because its divisions did not lead to fragmentation and because voters continued to support the label. Thus, the work’s argument: that party leaders must learn to garner electoral victories under democratic circumstances while avoiding the pressures to fragment, holds. Federalism, the mixed-member electoral system, and generous party financing all play a role in determining how electoral competition creates winners and losers within the party organization. These institutions also reduce the impact of the electoral opening on the party’s tendency to fragment.

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Presidentialism and legislative fragmentation: Beyond coattail effects

The British Journal of Politics and International Relations ◽

10.1177/1369148116682654 ◽

2016 ◽

Vol 19 (1) ◽

pp. 113-133 ◽

Cited By ~ 2

Author(s):

Grigorii V Golosov ◽

Kirill Kalinin

Keyword(s):

Presidential Elections ◽

Party System ◽

Electoral System ◽

Crucial Importance ◽

Short Term ◽

System Properties ◽

Presidential Regimes ◽

Using Data ◽

Number Of Parties ◽

The Impact

Using data from a nearly comprehensive set of the world’s electoral democracies, 1992–2014, this article empirically evaluates the impact of presidentialism upon legislative fragmentation. The analysis demonstrates that the impact is strong, consistent across a wide variety of political contexts, and conditioned by the type of presidential regime, the scope of presidential powers, electoral system effects, and essential party system properties. While much of the reasoning regarding the interplay between presidentialism and legislative fragmentation has been traditionally focused on short-term coattail effects of presidential elections, this study shows that these effects are real, but they are insufficient to make a significant impact upon the parameter of crucial importance for the functioning of presidential regimes: the number of parties in the legislature. The main impact of presidentialism is systemic, stemming from its tendency to restrict the number of parties to a limited set of viable competitors for the presidential prize.

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Political Communication and the Unexpected Outcome of the 2002 French Presidential Elections

Journal of Political Marketing ◽

10.1300/j199v02n02_02 ◽

2003 ◽

Vol 2 (2) ◽

pp. 13-24 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Philippe J. Maarek

Keyword(s):

Political Communication ◽

Presidential Elections ◽

French Presidential Elections ◽

Unexpected Outcome

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#INCLUSION – THE IMPACT OF SOCIAL MEDIA COMMUNICATION ON THE LEGITIMACY OF ARMED FORCES

CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES ◽

10.33179/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.21.2.2 ◽

2019 ◽

pp. 43-60

Author(s):

EVA MOEHLECKE DE BASEGGIO ◽

OLIVIA SCHNEIDER ◽

TIBOR SZVIRCSEV TRESCH

Keyword(s):

Social Media ◽

Political Communication ◽

Structural Equation ◽

Armed Forces ◽

Equation Model ◽

Media Communication ◽

The Public ◽

Political Legitimation ◽

Social Media Communication ◽

The Impact

The Swiss Armed Forces (SAF), as part of a democratic system, depends on legitimacy. Democracy, legitimacy and the public are closely connected. In the public sphere the SAF need to be visible; it is where they are controlled and legitimated by the citizens, as part of a deliberative discussion in which political decisions are communicatively negotiated. Considering this, the meaning of political communication, including the SAF’s communication, becomes obvious as it forms the most important basis for political legitimation processes. Social media provide a new way for the SAF to communicate and interact directly with the population. The SAF’s social media communication potentially brings it closer to the people and engages them in a dialogue. The SAF can become more transparent and social media communication may increase its reputation and legitimacy. To measure the effects of social media communication, a survey of the Swiss internet population was conducted. Based on this data, a structural equation model was defined, the effects of which substantiate the assumption that the SAF benefits from being on social media in terms of broadening its reach and increasing legitimacy values.

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