“It is in the nation-state that democracy resides”

Author(s):  
Alexander Alekseev

Abstract This article explores how the concept of democracy is constructed, conveyed, and instrumentalised in the discourses of the populist radical right in the current EU context. The comparative analysis of the speeches of the leaders of two dissimilar PRR parties in government (Polish Prawo i Sprawiedliwość) and in opposition (French Rassemblement National) in the run-up to the 2019 European elections using tools of the discourse-historical and discourse-conceptual approaches to CDS highlights the common core of PRR interpretations of democracy, influenced by the shared axiological, institutional, and discursive framework of the EU. It shows that in the EU the PRR constructs the concept of democracy as an ideological complex, by diluting its essentially populist interpretation of democracy with liberal democratic elements. Only by advancing nativist and authoritarian interpretations of the people, does the PRR bring the concept of democracy in line with its ideological core of nativism, authoritarianism, and populism.

2020 ◽  
pp. 128-156
Author(s):  
Ivan Fomin ◽  
◽  
Alexander Alexeev

The article explores how the EU populist radical right in opposition to its national governments uses the concept of rights and freedoms when constructing identities. The research is based on a discourse analysis of speeches given by the leader of the French Rassemblement National Marine Le Pen in the run-up to the 2019 European parliamentary elections. The analysis of discursive strategies employed in these texts allows to empirically demonstrate and elaborate some of the existing theories on key ideological and discursive features of the populist radical right and its positions on rights and freedoms. It also shows, however, that these models need to be reviewed or altered in a number of aspects. The research corresponds to the existing models as it shows the opposition the Self vs. the Other to be one of the central elements in the populist radical right discourse. For instance, when speaking about rights and freedoms, Marine Le Pen constructs the identity of the French people and European peoples by opposing them to the negative Other along two axes: vertically – by constructing a populist opposition to the elites – and horizontally – by constructing a nativist opposition to alien identities. The people is predicated to possess various rights, the Rassemblement National is represented as the defender of these rights, while the elites and the aliens are depicted as a threat to these rights. Yet, these oppositions are not always clearly articulated with numerous ‘grey zones’ systematically constructed: the research demonstrates that the depiction of some actors in a positive or negative way depends on context. The European identity constructed by the populist radical right is also ambivalent: it is not completely rejected although the ongoing European integration project – the EU – is reproached for infringing rights and freedoms. In general, the analysis allows to conclude that the populist radical right in the EU should be regarded as an active contester in the ongoing interpretive struggle over the concept of rights and freedoms rather than its enemy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 62-70
Author(s):  
Boris Guseletov ◽  

This article presents an analysis of the activities of ten new European parties that do not yet have official registration in the European Union: the Europe-Democracy-Esperanto, the New Europeans, European Party of Individual Freedoms, the European Pirate Party, the European Party for Animal Rights, the European Federalist Party, Volt Europe, the Movement for Democracy in Europe 2025, and Now the People, which have appeared on the European political arena in the last 15-20 years, do not yet have official recognition, Nevertheless, their representatives participate in pan-European and national elections, sometimes quite successfully. A brief historical overview of the emergence and formation of each of these parties is given, their ideological platforms and membership base are presented. The results of their participation in the European elections are considered and it is noted with which factions of European parties in the European Parliament the MEPs elected from these parties cooperate. In conclusion, an analysis of the future prospects for the development of these parties is presented.


2021 ◽  
pp. 146511652110362
Author(s):  
Wouter van der Brug ◽  
Katjana Gattermann ◽  
Claes H. de Vreese

This special issue focuses on the consequences of the heightened conflict between member states and increased politicization of European affairs for electoral politics in the European Union. In this introduction we begin by outlining three important developments that fuelled the politicization: (a) the common currency; (b) the increased pushback on the EU’s open border policies; and (c) the inability of the EU to prevent democratic backsliding in some countries. We then discuss their consequences for EU elections, particularly campaigns, public opinion on Europe and voter behaviour, which are investigated against the backdrop of the 2019 European Parliament elections in the individual articles in this special issue. This introduction provides a contextual framework for these contributions and reflects upon some of its main findings.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Věra Stojarová

AbstractThe paper looks at the political party scene in Visegrad countries before and after the influx of refugees and compares how much the negative reactions were instrumentalised not only by the extremist and radical right parties but by the newly emerged populist formations as well as the well-established mainstream parties across the whole political spectra. Until the “migration crisis”, the far right parties focused mainly on Roma issue, anti-Semitism, anti-communism, anti-establishment and used anti-NATO, anti-EU, anti-German, anti-Czech, anti-Slovak or anti-Hungarian card. Since 2015, the parties re-oriented against immigrants, more precisely against the Muslims presenting them as a threat and also increased their criticism on the EU. However, the mainstream parties also accepted far right topics and actively promoted them. The result is then mainstreaming of xenophobia, nationalism and marginalization of far right parties as their flexible voters move to the populist subjects.


2021 ◽  
pp. 339-366
Author(s):  
Giacinto della Cananea

This chapter explores the common and distinctive elements that emerge from the comparative analysis of legal systems, in terms of commonality and diversity in administrative law. It begins by outlining the main institutional features of the legal systems selected for the comparison, with an initial focus on the idea of a 'divide' between civil law and common law. The two important features of the legal systems examined in this book include judicial independence and judicial specialization. The chapter then discusses the procedural requirements at the heart of the factual analysis. It concludes by reflecting on the relevance and significance of this analysis for the general enquiry concerning the common core of European administrative laws.


Author(s):  
Eva A. Duda-Mikulin

The fourth chapter focuses on Brexit – the UK’s exit from the EU with key point being around disrupted livelihoods of EU migrant workers. First, the context of neopopulism is brought to the fore. Here, I explore the criminalisation of migrants and refer to the writings of Zygmunt Bauman (2016). Second, a brief history of the European Economic Community and the EU is provided. Third, the political complexity behind the decision to hold the referendum is explored. The wider context and political climate worldwide is analysed with particular focus on the rise of distrust, disillusion and identity politics. The context of the new populism as the prevalent ideology is put against the political situation in the UK with David Cameron starting talks on the need for the people to have their say in the run up to General Election 2015. The results of the referendum are analysed and critically discussed taking into account voters and their demographic characteristics correlated with the socio-economic situation in the country. The chapter culminates in a series of case studies with the aim to illustrate pre- and post-Brexit-vote reality for those who exercised their Treaty rights and came to work in the UK.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 485-496 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jens Rydgren

Abstract In this paper I discuss, critically, the literature on populism and the extent to which it applies to the contemporary radical right-wing parties in Europe. These parties are often – and increasingly – referred to as populist parties. I argue that it is misleading to label these parties ‘populist parties’, since populism is not the most pertinent feature of this party family. These parties are mainly defined by ethnic nationalism, and not a populist ideology. In their discourse they are primarily preoccupied with questions pertaining to national identity and national security – and their ‘negative’ doubles immigration, multiculturalism, Islamist threat – and they consistently pit ‘the people’ mainly against elites that they view as responsible for a cultural and political threat against their idealized image of their nation state. The ethnic nationalism of European radical right-wing parties is more important for their discourse and tends to influence the populist elements.


European View ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Žiga Turk

In Europe itself, the EU has been a success. But its new challenges are mostly global: the rise of Asia, climate change, the end of the industrial age, the information revolution and an ageing population. To address these effectively, the EU should draw strength from its values of human rights, freedom, democracy, equality and care for people and the environment. In the years to come, it will need to rely increasingly upon three key resources: the people, the sun as an energy source, and the Union itself. The EU has been perfected through generations. Its strength lies in its openness to enlargement and its readiness to deepen its structures. Rather than going through another institutional change, it should learn to use the tools it has to deepen the common market and extend it to vital new areas of competition.


Author(s):  
Giacinto della Cananea

This chapter looks at government liability in tort as an entry point for the whole comparative research on European administrative laws. The chapter is in four parts. It first illustrates the main features of the new research, in particular the combined use of history and legal comparison and the choice of a ‘factual’ analysis, based on hypothetical cases. Second, it explains the reasons underlying the choice of administrative liability, which may be regarded as a worst-case scenario. Third, some issues in methodology are examined, including the construction of the questionnaire, which is at the heart of the ‘common core’ method, and the choice of a variety of legal systems, including that of a non-State entity, the EU. In the final part, there is an analysis of the implications that follow from the study of government liability for the whole research. While less recent comparative studies had a high level of abstraction, the factual approach sheds light on both differences and similarities between the legal systems selected. From this viewpoint, not only is government liability in tort characterized by both commonality and diversity, but their importance has also variably changed across time.


Author(s):  
Boris Popivanov

This paper deals with the perceptions of Europe as developed by the European populist radical right over the campaign for the 2019 European Parliament elections. The study is based on the public communications of three leading political parties in this spectrum: France’s Rassemblement national, Italy’s Lega and Germany’s Alternative für Deutschland. By applying image theory in international relations, the paper comes to the conclusion that the radical right managed to construct a relatively coherent image of the EU as a distant undemocratic actor in sharp contrast to the alternative narrative of one ‘Europe of fatherlands’ described in mostly civilisational terms.


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