Feed the world or help the heroes? Exploring how political attitudes influence charitable choice

2020 ◽  
Vol 36 (17-18) ◽  
pp. 1680-1706
Author(s):  
Andrew Robson ◽  
David John Hart
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Suhay ◽  
Brianna Maurer

The study of the “authoritarian personality” began in Europe with the rise of Hitler as an effort to understand why so many seemingly ordinary Germans (and others) were willing to lend their support to an obviously anti-democratic and racist leader. Research on authoritarianism continues in this vein today, although it is now used throughout the world to explain why many people oppose democratic institutions, support authoritarian leaders, and hold prejudiced attitudes. The study of authoritarianism is as popular as it is controversial, with scholars disagreeing over whether it is a personality characteristic or a set of attitudes, how it develops, whether it occurs only on the political right or on the left as well, and how it is best measured, among other debates. Even so, scholars generally agree on the characteristics associated with authoritarianism: those who exhibit authoritarianism tend to be high group identifiers, submissive to in-group authorities, traditional and conforming, and aggressive toward those who either defy accepted norms or are members of outgroups. As has been evident for decades, authoritarianism is closely associated with all manner of highly consequential social and political attitudes, including anti-Semitism, racism, xenophobia, and homophobia, opposition to civil liberties and rights, support for war, and, of course, support for leaders who govern in an authoritarian manner.


Author(s):  
Stephen M. Utych

Abstract Dehumanizing language, or language used to describe human beings as non-human entities, is increasingly prevalent in political life. This dehumanization also occurs frequently in the world of sports. Sports and politics intersected notably in 2016, when Colin Kaepernick of the NFL’s San Francisco 49ers started protesting the national anthem to raise awareness about police violence against African-Americans. Kaepernick’s protests generated considerable vitriol towards him and other protesters, some of which was dehumanizing. In this study, I examine how dehumanizing language used against anthem protesters of different races influences political attitudes. Using experimental data, I find that, when a Black player protesting the national anthem is dehumanized, White citizens are considerably less supportive of the anthem protests and protesters. This effect does not persist when the dehumanized player is White.


2013 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 8-12
Author(s):  
Blessing Enekwe

As a child of immigrants, I have always been interested in issues facing the foreign-born, particularly to the United States. Being exposed to immigrants from around the world helped me understand the different factors that motivated my parents' migration to the United States while realizing that others throughout the world were also heavily impacted by ineffectual home governments. As I delved into political attitudes, international relations, and public policy, my attention continued to turn back to the ways in which policies and attitudes in the United States affect the lives of immigrants. Identifying aspects of social policy that enhance immigrant life in the United States became central to my research interests.


Author(s):  
Jonathan T. Hiskey ◽  
Mason W. Moseley

Chapter 1 introduces the reader to the dominant-party machines of San Luis, Argentina, and the state of Mexico (Edomex), Mexico. Through this look at the political systems of two subnational units in two distinct countries separated by thousands of miles, this chapter also introduces the reader to the principal motivation guiding the subsequent analyses: How do such dominant-party enclaves affect the political attitudes and behaviors of citizens living within them? In Argentina and Mexico, like in much of the world, there are democracies that are being dragged down by subnational dominant-party enclaves. This reality has consequences for their citizens and for broader efforts to deepen democratic rule.


2019 ◽  
Vol XV ◽  
pp. 97-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcin Wałdoch

In this article an assumption is made that several factors are responsi-ble for current democracy state. First of all the state-phobia phenome-non is scrutinized while looking for factors which are responsible for citizens reluctance and fear of state. Hypothesis is raised that state-phobia cause withdrawal of democratization wave in today’s nation-states. Trying to solve this problem out author highlighted the impor-tance of the idea of state in political thought and an impact of socio-economic pattern of the world we observe (impact of neoliberalism). Political attitudes summarized as state-phobia rise from a number of factors and cause a number of spaces connected with political life such as electoral behavior. It seems that the lack of trust toward nation-state works like a perpetuum mobile causing the weak state and inefficient institution.


Author(s):  
Gwyneth McClendon

Despite predictions that urbanization, economic development and globalization would lead to the recession of religion from public life, populations around the world continue to be highly religious. This pattern holds in most parts of the Global South and also in some advanced industrial democracies in the North, including in the United States. In grappling with the influence (or lack thereof) of religion on political life, a growing body of literature pays attention to how clergy–congregant communication might shape listeners’ political attitudes and behaviors. Considerable debate remains as to whether clergy–congregant communication is likely to change political attitudes and behavior, but there is a greater consensus around the idea that exposure to religious communication can at the very least prime (that is, increase the salience of) certain considerations that in turn affect how people evaluate political issues and whether they participate in politics. Religious communication is more likely to exert a persuasive and a priming influence among those already inclined to select into the communication and when the source of the communication is credible. More research is needed on the duration of religious primes and on the effects of religious communication in different political and social contexts around the world.


2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (9) ◽  
pp. 1132-1158 ◽  
Author(s):  
Damarys Canache

Empirical evidence of how citizens around the world understand democracy highlights the predominance of the liberal model of democracy. Yet the existence of a dominant view does not mean that all citizens in every nation exclusively endorse a liberal conceptualization. Hence, this article asks whether public beliefs about the meaning of democracy affect people’s political attitudes and behaviors. Using data from the 2006–2007 Latin American Public Opinion Project AmericasBarometer surveys, the author develops a taxonomy to categorize democratic conceptualizations in terms of structural complexity and substantive content. The author then examines the effects of the structure and substance of democratic conceptualizations on attitudes toward democracy and on patterns of political participation. Findings indicate that variance in the structure of citizens’ democratic conceptualizations brings several effects on political attitudes and behaviors. As to the substantive content of democratic conceptualizations, conceiving of democracy in terms other than liberty influences numerous aspects of citizens’ attitudes and behaviors.


2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 969-989 ◽  
Author(s):  
Calvert W. Jones ◽  
Celia Paris

Given that the fictional narratives found in novels, movies, and television shows enjoy wide public consumption, memorably convey information, minimize counter-arguing, and often emphasize politically-relevant themes, we argue that greater scholarly attention must be paid to theorizing and measuring how fiction affects political attitudes. We argue for a genre-based approach for studying fiction effects, and apply it to the popular dystopian genre. Results across three experiments are striking: we find consistent evidence that dystopian narratives enhance the willingness to justify radical—especially violent—forms of political action. Yet we find no evidence for the conventional wisdom that they reduce political trust and efficacy, illustrating that fiction’s effects may not be what they seem and underscoring the need for political scientists to take fiction seriously.


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