D Notices-mystery of British journalism

1980 ◽  
Vol 9 (6) ◽  
pp. 37-41
Author(s):  
Bruce Page ◽  
Duncan Campbell

‘A spectre,’ wrote The Times on 16 July, ‘has been haunting the Committee Corridor of the House of Commons each Tuesday morning for the past five weeks as the Select Committee on Defence has taken evidence on the workings of the D Notice system. The invisible presence in Committee Room 8 has been that of Bismarck, the maker of modern Germany.’ The DPBC ( Defence Press and Broadcasting, or D Notice, Committee) consists of four top civil servants and 11 representatives of the British press and broadcasting organisations. Its origins date back to the period before the First World War when, as The Times put it, ‘Bismarck's observation on the help French newspapers had given to the Prussian general staff in discovering the disposition of French troops in the Franco-Prussian War of 1870 … convinced the British defence establishment of the need for a system of press censorship’. The Committee issues so-called D Notices giving details of information it does not wish published and relies on the voluntary cooperation of editors and journalists in suppressing the information. Interest in the system, in recent years largely forgotten, was reawakened in February this year by the publication in the New Statesman of a series of articles by Duncan Campbell on such topics as telephone tapping and the activities of the MI5 and MI6 intelligence agencies. Admiral Ash, Secretary of the DPBC, wrote to Bruce Page, Editor of the New Statesman, to remind him of the ‘continuing validity’ of D Notices Nos 10 and 11 on the need to protect information concerning the intelligence services. In an exchange of letters with the Admiral, Bruce Page queried the validity of the D Notice system, which Duncan Campbell, writing in the New Statesman on 4 April, called ‘one of the greater mysteries of British journalism’ – misunderstood or ignored by British journalists and considered by their American and other foreign colleagues to be a typical example of ‘peculiarly British placid press complacency’. Many British journalists have, however, for some time now expressed criticism of the excessive secrecy with which the government and the civil service in this country conduct their affairs, campaigning for the abolition of Section Two of the Official Secrets Act ( see Index on Censorship 1/1978, pp 9–14) and for the introduction of Freedom of Information legislation. Prominent among them has been Harold Evans, Editor of the Sunday Times, and Bruce Page and Duncan Campbell of the New Statesman. In June and July this year a Sub-Committee on D Notices of the House of Commons Defence Committee held an enquiry into the workings of the D Notice system, with members of the DPBC, as well as other civil servants and journalists giving evidence. Some, including Richard Francis, BBC director of news and current affairs and a member of the DPBC ( see box on p 39), and Windsor Clarke, editorial consultant to the Westminster Press and vice-chairman of the Committee, spoke in favour of continuing the system. It could, said Mr Clarke, be discredited within a year if sufficient journalists criticised it, but that was most unlikely, ‘as the arrangement enjoyed wide support in the press’. In a 20- page submission to the parliamentary sub-committee, Bruce Page and Duncan Campbell argue for the system's abolition. Its inception had coincided with the ‘spectacular increase in the size and power of Britain's bureaucracy, which has continued almost without check until very recently’. The DPBC had increasingly become ‘an outpost of the Ministry of Defence’ losing rather than gaining in independence. Page and Campbell analyse the contents of the existing 12 D Notices, as well as dealing with several which have been abandoned, such as the one issued in 1967 in an unsuccessful attempt to prevent The Observer and Sunday Times from publishing the results of their investigations into the affair of the Soviet spy and former British Intelligence officer, Kim Philby. As in some other cases, the New Statesman journalists point out, the information was clearly known to the hostile power in question and would have been kept only from the British reader. Similarly, they describe D Notice No 9 as ‘virtually valueless’, as the British government itself publishes details of all major radio installations and the frequencies they use. ‘It is ludicrous that a D Notice is issued to prevent the British press discussing information which the government furnishes for publication overseas’. Below, we print an edited version of the evidence given to the House of Commons Sub-Committee on D Notices by Bruce Page and Duncan Campbell.

Author(s):  
Michael D. Metelits

Chapter 5 traces the process by which purportedly criminal issues became political issues. The chapter therefore deals with the mechanics of mounting a successful political pressure campaign. The chapter examines the export through the slanted reporting to London by The Times of London correspondent in India. His negative opinions about the mamlatdar witnesses fed on the Bombay High Court’s efforts to get the mamlatdars fired. The ‘mamlatdar issue’ eventually came before the House of Commons and that in turn placed considerable pressure on the secretary of state for India to ‘do something’ about the mamlatdars who had confessed under oath that they had paid bribes. In fact, the ‘mamlatdar issue’ had become a thing in itself, a problem that vexed the government at all levels.


Author(s):  
Meg Russell ◽  
Daniel Gover

This chapter explores the various means by which specialist select committees in both the House of Commons and House of Lords interact with and influence government legislation. The development of select committees is widely seen as important at Westminster, having encouraged greater expertise and specialization among members, and cross-party work. Yet the select committees have only a limited formal role in the legislative process, because the ‘committee stage’ occurs elsewhere. Nonetheless, this chapter shows extensive select committee influence on the 12 case study bills. The committees can be important to setting the policy agenda, informing members, influencing debate, encouraging amendments, and—potentially—supporting the government. This particularly applies to the constitutional committees in the House of Lords, and select committees conducting pre-legislative scrutiny of draft bills. However, other committees can also be important, as demonstrated by the Commons Health Committee’s intervention over the smoking ban in the Health Bill (2005–06).


2015 ◽  
Vol 79 (3) ◽  
pp. 181-197
Author(s):  
Matthew Dyson

The law of secondary liability continues to trouble defendants, victims, politicians, practitioners, judges, academics and laypeople. In a recent report, the House of Commons Justice Select Committee called even more forcefully for the Government to consult on reforming the law of ‘joint enterprise’. The committee called, in particular, for a stronger fault requirement: at the moment a secondary party can be liable for the full offence merely because he foresaw a chance that the principal might commit a crime. This article discusses the report, analyses the substantive law in issue and considers appropriate reforms. The report is also a chance to reassess what secondary liability looks like today, a process that reveals that we now live in a post-accessory liability world where ‘joint enterprise’ rules. This shift in language and corresponding shift in fault elements has caused significant uncertainty in understanding the law as well as practical injustice, making it easier to convict for more serious crimes than should be the case. The paper draws on an analysis of the joint enterprise cases decided in 2014 to show how attitudes to evidential and sentencing issues are shaping the substantive law.


2001 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary Elizabeth Hotz

IN 1839, G. A. WALKER, a London surgeon, published Gatherings from Graveyards, Particularly Those in London. Three years later Parliament appointed a House of Commons select committee to investigate “the evils arising from the interment of bodies” in large towns and to consider legislation to resolve the problem.1 Walker’s study opens with a comprehensive history of the modes of interment among all nations, showing the wisdom of ancient practices that removed the dead from the confines of the living. The second portion of the book describes the pathological state of forty-three metropolitan graveyards in an effort to convince the public of the need for legislative interference by the government to prohibit burials in the vicinity of the living.2 Walker’s important work attracted the attention of Parliament and social reformers because of his comprehensive representation of the problem of graveyards, especially among the poor districts of London; his rudimentary statistics that, in effect, isolated them from the rest of the society; and his unbending insistence that national legislators solve the problem. These three impulses influenced the way Edwin Chadwick, secretary to the New Poor Law Commission from 1834 to 1842 and commissioner for the Board of Health from 1848 to 1852, identified and represented the problem of corpses and graveyards in his A Supplementary Report on the Results of a Special Inquiry into the Practice of Interment in Towns (1843).


1963 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 110-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard A. Soloway

During Pitt's 1785 campaign for moderate parliamentary reform, William Wilberforce supported the government primarily on a moral basis rather than on political grounds. He explained his reasons to a friend, Lord Muncaster, as follows:It is not the confusion of parties, and their quarreling and battling in the House of Commons, which makes me despair of the republic … it is the universal corruption and profligacy of the times, which taking its rise amongst the rich and luxurious has now extended its baneful influence and spread its destructive poison through the whole body of the people.


1949 ◽  
Vol 9 (S1) ◽  
pp. 85-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Herbert O. Brayer

It is my purpose in this paper to sketch briefly one heretofore ignored facet in American economic history: the influence of British capital, knowledge, and livestock in the growth, development, and eventual decline of the Western range-cattle industry during that colorful, though all too frequently disastrous, period between the American Civil War and the end of the century. Although the locale of this story would seem to confine its interest and importance largely to the West, it was, in fact, an incident of profound national and international importance. It filled the press of the United States with glowing descriptions of great baronial estates teeming with hundreds of thousands of head of cattle; it brought about long articles of analysis, praise, sharp criticism, and denunciation in the British press; it resulted in an internationalbattle of words involving at least three American secretaries of agriculture, presidents of the Board of Trade, ministers of agriculture, and chancellors of the exchequer. There were rude questions in the House of Commons and pointed inquiries in Lords. There were even letters to The Times!


2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-106
Author(s):  
Wiharyanto Wiharyanto

The study aims to analyze about the low graduation and certification exam training participants of the procurement of goods / services of the government and its contributing factors, and formulate a strategy of education and training and skills certification exams procurement of goods / services of the government. Collecting data using the method of study documentation, interviews, and questionnaires. Is the official source of information on the structural and functional Regional Employment Board, as well as the participants of the training and skills certification exams procurement of goods / services of the government in Magelang regency government environment. Analysis using 4 quadrant SWOT analysis, to determine the issue or strategic factors in improving the quality of education and training and skills certification exams procurement of government goods / services within the Government of Magelang regency. The results show organizer position is in quadrant I, which is supporting the growth strategy, with 3 alternative formulation strategies that improve the quality of education and training and skills certification exams procurement of government goods / services, and conducts certification examination of the procurement of government goods / services with computer assisted test system (CAT). Based on the research recommendations formulated advice to the organizing committee, namely: of prospective participants of the training and skills certification exams procurement of goods / services the government should consider the motivation of civil servants, is examinees who have attended training in the same period of the year, the need for simulation procurement of goods / services significantly, an additional allocation of training time, giving sanction to civil servants who have not passed the exam, the provision of adequate classroom space with the number of participants of each class are proportional, as well as explore the evaluation of education and training and skills certification exams procurement of goods / services for Government of participants.


Author(s):  
Aria Dimas Harapan

ABSTRACTThe essence of this study describes the theoretical study of the phenomenon transfortation services online. Advances in technology have changed the habits of the people to use online transfortation In fact despite legal protection in the service based services transfortation technological sophistication has not been formed and it became warm conversation among jurists. This study uses normative juridical research. This study found that the first, the Government must accommodate transfotation online phenomenon in the form of rules that provide legal certainty; second, transfortation online as part of the demands of the times based on technology; third, transfortation online as part of the creative economy for economic growth . 


Author(s):  
Michael D. Metelits

The Arthur Crawford Scandal explores how nineteenth century Bombay tried a British official for corruption. The presidency government persuaded Indians, government officials, to testify against the very person who controlled their career by offering immunity from legal action and career punishment. A criminal conviction of Crawford’s henchman established the modus operandi of a bribery network. Subsequent efforts to intimidate Indian witnesses led to litigation at the high court level, resulting in a political pressure campaign in London based on biased press reports from India. These reports evoked questions in the House of Commons; questions became demands that Indians witnesses against Crawford be fired from government service. The secretary of state for India and the Bombay government negotiated about the fate of the Indian witnesses. At first, the secretary of state accepted the Bombay government’s proposals. But the press campaign against the Indian witnesses eventually led him to order the Government of India, in consultation with the Government of Bombay, to pass a law ordering those officials who paid Crawford willingly, to be fired. Those whom the Bombay government determined to be extorted were not to be fired. Both groups retained immunity from further actions at law. Thus, Bombay won a victory that almost saved its original guarantee of immunity: those who were fired were to receive their salary (along with periodic step increases) until they reached retirement age, at which time they would receive a pension. However, this ‘solution’ did little to overcome the stigma and suffering of the fired officials.


2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 424-445
Author(s):  
Billy Clark

This article considers how ideas from relevance-theoretic pragmatics can be applied in understanding the construction of identity in interaction, while presupposing that consideration of ideas about identity can make a significant contribution to pragmatic theories. While previous work on pragmatics has focused on the construction and performance of identity, this has not been much discussed in work from a relevance-theoretic perspective. For illustration, the article refers mainly to a video recording of a UK House of Commons Select Committee session on drug addiction. While the video provides considerable relevant data about identity construction, the article does not develop a detailed analysis of the video or the extracts it focuses on. Instead, it uses them to argue for the usefulness of relevance-theoretic ideas in understanding identity and impression management. The ideas focused on are that communication can be stronger or weaker (i.e. it can be more or less clear that particular assumptions are being intentionally communicated), that there is no clear cut-off point between very weakly communicated implicatures and non-communicated implications, that interpretation generally involves going beyond what the communicator intended to derive the addressee’s own conclusions, that the effects of communicative interaction include more than the derivation of new assumptions and that adjustments to ‘cognitive environments’ (the sets of assumptions which are accessible to individuals at particular times) can continue after interactions take place. These ideas can be useful in a number of areas including in understanding identity in general, literary identities, attitudes to language varieties, the production of communicative acts and the teaching of spoken and written communication.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document