Reform or Ruin: English Moral Thought During the First French Republic

1963 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 110-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard A. Soloway

During Pitt's 1785 campaign for moderate parliamentary reform, William Wilberforce supported the government primarily on a moral basis rather than on political grounds. He explained his reasons to a friend, Lord Muncaster, as follows:It is not the confusion of parties, and their quarreling and battling in the House of Commons, which makes me despair of the republic … it is the universal corruption and profligacy of the times, which taking its rise amongst the rich and luxurious has now extended its baneful influence and spread its destructive poison through the whole body of the people.

Author(s):  
Aria Dimas Harapan

ABSTRACTThe essence of this study describes the theoretical study of the phenomenon transfortation services online. Advances in technology have changed the habits of the people to use online transfortation In fact despite legal protection in the service based services transfortation technological sophistication has not been formed and it became warm conversation among jurists. This study uses normative juridical research. This study found that the first, the Government must accommodate transfotation online phenomenon in the form of rules that provide legal certainty; second, transfortation online as part of the demands of the times based on technology; third, transfortation online as part of the creative economy for economic growth . 


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Muhammad Candra Syahputra

Lampung indigenous people have valuable local wisdom that has the values of character education. The purpose of this research is to form a form of support to the government that continues to campaign for character education as an effort to restore the original character of the moral Indonesian nation and this study also aims to discover how the values of character education in the local wisdom of Lampung indigenous people namely Nengah Nyappur. This research uses descriptive-qualitative method to explore various data with library research. Nengah Nyappur as one of the elements of the philosophy of life of the people of Lampung has a character value in the form of tolerance, courtesy, and cooperation. These three character values are rooted in the daily lives of the indigenous people of Lampung. Referring to the presidential regulation of the Republic of Indonesia Number 87 of 2017 concerning Strengthening Character Education, Education Units and School/Madrasah Committees consider the adequacy of educators and education personnel, availability of facilities and infrastructure, local wisdom and opinions of community leaders and or religious leaders outside the School/Madrasah Committee. The third point about local wisdom feels the need for writers to review as one of the bases of character education, the writer offers local wisdom of Lampung. The findings of this study are that the values contained in Nengah Nyappur are still very relevant until now and can be applied in the family environment, community environment, and school environment.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rasji Rasji

Village government is the lowest level of government in the Government of the Republic of Indonesia. Its existence is very strategic for the implementation of programs of the central government, local government, and the wishes of the village community, so that the village government can help create a balance between the goals desired by the state and those desired by the people, namely the welfare of the people. For this reason, the role of village government officials is important to achieve the success of implementing village government tasks. In fact, there are still many village government officials who have not been able to carry out their duties and authorities properly and correctly. How are efforts to strengthen the role of village government officials so that they are able to carry out their duties and authority properly and correctly? One effort that can be done is to provide technical guidance to village government officials regarding village governance, the duties and authorities of village government officials, as well as the preparation of village regulations. Through this activity, it is hoped that the role of the village government apparatus in carrying out their duties and authorities will be strong, so that their duties and authorities can be carried out properly and correctlyABSTRAK;Pemerintahan desa adalah tingkat pemerintahan terendah di dalam Pemerintahan Negara Republik Indonesia. Keberadaannya sangat strategis bagi penerapan program pemerintah pusat, pemerintah daerah, dan keinginan masyarakat desa, sehingga pemerintah desa dapat membantu terciptanya keseimbangan tujuan yang diinginkan oleh negara dan yang diinginkan oleh rakyat yaitu kesejahteraan rakyat. Untuk itu peran aparatur pemerintahan desa menjadi penting untuk mencapai keberhasilan pelaksanaan tugas pemerintahan desa. Pada kenyataannya masih banyak aparatur pemerintahan desa yang belum dapat melaksanakan tugas dan wewenangnya dengan baik dan benar. Bagaimana upaya menguatkan peran aparatur pemerintahan desa, agar mampu menjalankan tugas dan wewenangnya secara baik dan benar? Salah satu upaya yang dapat dilakukan adalah memberikan bimbingan teknis kepada aparatur pemerintahan desa mengenai pemerintahan desa, tugas dan wewenang aparatur pemerintah desa, maupun penyusunan peraturan desa. Melalui kegiatan ini diharapkan peran aparatur pemerintahan desa dalam melaksanakan tugas dan wewenangnya menjadi kuat, sehingga tugas dan wewenangnya dapat dilaksanakan dengan baik dan benar.


Author(s):  
Michael D. Metelits

Chapter 5 traces the process by which purportedly criminal issues became political issues. The chapter therefore deals with the mechanics of mounting a successful political pressure campaign. The chapter examines the export through the slanted reporting to London by The Times of London correspondent in India. His negative opinions about the mamlatdar witnesses fed on the Bombay High Court’s efforts to get the mamlatdars fired. The ‘mamlatdar issue’ eventually came before the House of Commons and that in turn placed considerable pressure on the secretary of state for India to ‘do something’ about the mamlatdars who had confessed under oath that they had paid bribes. In fact, the ‘mamlatdar issue’ had become a thing in itself, a problem that vexed the government at all levels.


Philosophy ◽  
1940 ◽  
Vol 15 (57) ◽  
pp. 3-6
Author(s):  
J. H. Muirhead

Second in importance only to the question raised by the short editorial in the last number of Philosophy: Why are we at War? is that on which there is at present a lively discussion going on in The Times and elsewhere under the title of “German Rulers and People”: With Whom are we at War? On one point there is no difference of opinion: we are at war with the blood- and crimestained group that, with Hitler at their head, hold the reins of government. Difference begins when it is asked what share the people of Germany as a whole has in their crimes. On the one side are those who hold that, as you cannot, in historical words, “bring an indictment against a whole nation,” neither can you be at war with a whole people, and that the main problem we have before us is the discovery of the means to appeal to the intelligence and hearts of the mass of the nation in order to enlist it against its Government as a common enemy. On the other side are those who quote the equally historic words that “every nation gets the kind of government it deserves,” from which “it follows that it deserves no immunity for the acts of the Government by which it chooses, or allows itself, to be governed.” This argument is reinforced first by a general philosophy of war as the “natural” order of things from which man is only gradually emerging into an exceptional and precarious condition of peace; and secondly, with regard to Germany in particular, that “the lust for dominance through force is, and will be for generations, at the root of the German character.” The importance of the issue as thus stated requires no emphasis.


1920 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Walter James Shepard

To understand the real nature of the government which now, under its new constitution, is attempting to guide the German nation through the perils of reconstruction is indeed a baffling problem. We are as yet too close to the events which brought it into existence and clothed it with constitutional forms to attempt their evaluation or to determine their significance. The revolution was so unlike what we should have expected as necessary to shift the ultimate power in the state from a narrow military and landed oligarchy to the masses of the people, that a doubt forces itself upon us as to its genuineness. The war, with its shattering of national ideals, its appalling toll of life, the grinding misery which it imposed, and the insuperable financial bondage to which it condemned the nation for an indefinite future, might account for a thorough popular disillusionment which would sweep the nation into the current of democracy. But if this were the case, we would expect a general enthusiasm for the new government, an evident popular sense of the passing of the dark night of autocratic rule and a joy in the light of a new and happier day.This is exactly what does not exist. There are three classes in Germany today. The first, who constitute only a small minority, are the nationalists and militarists who are bitterly opposed to the republic, and even now are agitating at every favorable opportunity for the restoration of the monarchy in its old form. The second class are likewise a comparatively small minority. They are the revolutionaries, the Spartacists with some of the Independent Socialists, who are just as strongly opposed to the government, using wherever possible the instruments of direct action to inaugurate the revolution which they believe has not yet been achieved. The vast mass of the nation appear to be utterly indifferent with respect to forms of government.


1966 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 95-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
William O. Aydelotte

It has never been established how far, in the early Victorian House of Commons, voting on issues followed party lines. It might in general seem plausible to assume — what political oratory generally contrives to suggest — that there are ideological disagreements between parties and that it makes a difference which of two major opposing parties is in control of the Government. This is, indeed, the line taken by some students of politics. A number of historians and political observers have, however, inclined to the contrary opinion and have, for various reasons, tended to play down the role of issues in party disputes. Much of what has been written on political history and, in particular, on the history of Parliament has had a distinct anti-ideological flavor.One line of argument is that issues on which disagreement exists are not always party questions. Robert Trelford McKenzie begins his study of British parties by pointing out that Parliament just before 1830 was “divided on a great issue of principle, namely Catholic emancipation,” and just after 1830, on another, parliamentary reform. He continues: “But on neither issue was there a clear division along strict party lines.” The distinguished administration of Sir Robert Peel in the 1840s was based, according to Norman Gash, on a party “deeply divided both on policy and personalities.” The other side of the House at that time is usually thought to have been even more disunited. It has even been suggested that, in the confused politics of the mid-nineteenth century, the wordsconservativeandradicaleach meant so many different things that they cannot be defined in terms of programs and objectives and that these polarities may more usefully be considered in terms of tempers and approaches.


1980 ◽  
Vol 9 (6) ◽  
pp. 37-41
Author(s):  
Bruce Page ◽  
Duncan Campbell

‘A spectre,’ wrote The Times on 16 July, ‘has been haunting the Committee Corridor of the House of Commons each Tuesday morning for the past five weeks as the Select Committee on Defence has taken evidence on the workings of the D Notice system. The invisible presence in Committee Room 8 has been that of Bismarck, the maker of modern Germany.’ The DPBC ( Defence Press and Broadcasting, or D Notice, Committee) consists of four top civil servants and 11 representatives of the British press and broadcasting organisations. Its origins date back to the period before the First World War when, as The Times put it, ‘Bismarck's observation on the help French newspapers had given to the Prussian general staff in discovering the disposition of French troops in the Franco-Prussian War of 1870 … convinced the British defence establishment of the need for a system of press censorship’. The Committee issues so-called D Notices giving details of information it does not wish published and relies on the voluntary cooperation of editors and journalists in suppressing the information. Interest in the system, in recent years largely forgotten, was reawakened in February this year by the publication in the New Statesman of a series of articles by Duncan Campbell on such topics as telephone tapping and the activities of the MI5 and MI6 intelligence agencies. Admiral Ash, Secretary of the DPBC, wrote to Bruce Page, Editor of the New Statesman, to remind him of the ‘continuing validity’ of D Notices Nos 10 and 11 on the need to protect information concerning the intelligence services. In an exchange of letters with the Admiral, Bruce Page queried the validity of the D Notice system, which Duncan Campbell, writing in the New Statesman on 4 April, called ‘one of the greater mysteries of British journalism’ – misunderstood or ignored by British journalists and considered by their American and other foreign colleagues to be a typical example of ‘peculiarly British placid press complacency’. Many British journalists have, however, for some time now expressed criticism of the excessive secrecy with which the government and the civil service in this country conduct their affairs, campaigning for the abolition of Section Two of the Official Secrets Act ( see Index on Censorship 1/1978, pp 9–14) and for the introduction of Freedom of Information legislation. Prominent among them has been Harold Evans, Editor of the Sunday Times, and Bruce Page and Duncan Campbell of the New Statesman. In June and July this year a Sub-Committee on D Notices of the House of Commons Defence Committee held an enquiry into the workings of the D Notice system, with members of the DPBC, as well as other civil servants and journalists giving evidence. Some, including Richard Francis, BBC director of news and current affairs and a member of the DPBC ( see box on p 39), and Windsor Clarke, editorial consultant to the Westminster Press and vice-chairman of the Committee, spoke in favour of continuing the system. It could, said Mr Clarke, be discredited within a year if sufficient journalists criticised it, but that was most unlikely, ‘as the arrangement enjoyed wide support in the press’. In a 20- page submission to the parliamentary sub-committee, Bruce Page and Duncan Campbell argue for the system's abolition. Its inception had coincided with the ‘spectacular increase in the size and power of Britain's bureaucracy, which has continued almost without check until very recently’. The DPBC had increasingly become ‘an outpost of the Ministry of Defence’ losing rather than gaining in independence. Page and Campbell analyse the contents of the existing 12 D Notices, as well as dealing with several which have been abandoned, such as the one issued in 1967 in an unsuccessful attempt to prevent The Observer and Sunday Times from publishing the results of their investigations into the affair of the Soviet spy and former British Intelligence officer, Kim Philby. As in some other cases, the New Statesman journalists point out, the information was clearly known to the hostile power in question and would have been kept only from the British reader. Similarly, they describe D Notice No 9 as ‘virtually valueless’, as the British government itself publishes details of all major radio installations and the frequencies they use. ‘It is ludicrous that a D Notice is issued to prevent the British press discussing information which the government furnishes for publication overseas’. Below, we print an edited version of the evidence given to the House of Commons Sub-Committee on D Notices by Bruce Page and Duncan Campbell.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-51
Author(s):  
M. Ya'kub Aiyub Kadir

This paper is a reflection of the peace agreement between the Free Aceh Movement and the Government of Indonesia from 2005 to 2018. There have been improvement after a decade but there are still challenges that must be realized. The Helsinki Memorandum of Understanding (known as Helsinky peace agreement) on 15 August 2005 resulted a consensus that Aceh could have greater rights than before, as stipulated in the Law on Governing Aceh number 11/2006. Thus, Aceh has more authorities to redefine the political, economic, social and cultural status in the Republic of Indonesia system. This paper attempts to analyze this problem through a historical description of the movement of the Acehnese people, in the hope of contributing to increasing understanding of the concept of the Helsinki peace agreement in the context of sustainable peace and welfare improvement for the people of Aceh


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (11) ◽  
pp. 1149-1157
Author(s):  
Kyoung-Sae Na ◽  
Seon-Cheol Park ◽  
Sun-Jung Kwon ◽  
Minjae Kim ◽  
Hyoung-Jun Kim ◽  
...  

Objective Suicide is a huge nationwide problem that incurs a lot of socio-economic costs. Suicide also inflicts severe distress on the people left behind. The government of the Republic of Korea has been making many policy efforts to reduce suicide rate. The gatekeeper program, ‘Suicide CARE’, is one of the meaningful modalities for preventing suicide.Methods Multidisciplinary research team collaborated to update the ‘Suicide CARE’ to version 2.0.Results In the ‘Introductory part’, the authors have the time to think about the necessity and significance of the program before conducting full-scale gatekeeper training. In the ‘Careful observation’ part, trainees learn how to understand and recognize the various linguistic, behavioral, and situational signals that a person shows before committing suicide. In the ‘Active listening’ part, trainees learn how to ask suicide with a value-neutral attitude as well listening empathetically. In the ‘Risk evaluation and Expert referral’ part, trainees learn intervening strategies to identify a person’s suicidal intention, plan, and past suicide attempts, and connect the person to appropriate institutes or services.Conclusion Subsequent studies should be conducted to verify the efficacy of the gatekeeper program.


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