Het lidmaatschap van sociale organisaties en trouw stemgedrag

Res Publica ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-29
Author(s):  
Jaak Billiet
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Substantial Effect ◽  
The Political ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
The Social ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Age Category

The relationships between the political parties (Christian Democrats, Socialists and Liberals) and the social movements that emerged in the last part of the previous century has been described as a pillarized form of intermediation. The political parties were built on the major cleavages that divided the Belgium society and the links between each organisational network (pillar) and the political party were exclusive, stable, and formal (or structural) . In the so-called new social movements, the links with the political parties are specific, unstable, and informal. A vast and stable support for each network party by the majority of the members of the social organisations that belang to each network (or 'world') is one of the conditions for an adequate functioning of the model of pillarized intermediation. Is that condition still met in Flanders after the General Elections ofNovember 24, 1991 ?This study, based on a sample of 2,691 Flemish voters, shows strong differences in 'faithful' and stable voting behaviour according to the generation and the kind of involvement in the social organisations (trade unions, health insurance organisations, and Christian Labour Movement).  Among the generations that were born after 1945, the proportion of electoral 'movers' is larger than the proportion ofvoters that remain faithful to their network party. In the generations born before 1945, stable and faithful voting behaviour is still dominant in the three traditional political families. The more involvement in the Christian Labour Movement, the higher the degree of stable voting behaviour in favour of the Christian Democratie Party. A logistic regression analysis with church involvement, age category, urban environment, and several organizational variabels shows thatmembership of social organisations still has a substantial effect on stable voting behaviour. The future of the pillarized model of intermediation is discussed in view of these results.

scholarly journals Somos nosotros, somos gobierno. Experiencia de movimientos sociales en Bolivia

2011 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 264-276
Author(s):  
María Virginia Quiroga
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Social Recognition ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Social ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The One ◽  
Movimientos Sociales

The emergence of social movements in the public arena had to do with neoliberalism´s negative consequences. Different actors with different interests worked together against the system, which became their “common antagonist”.  On the one hand, after years of autonomous organization, these social movements won social recognition and increased their power. On the other, political parties and trade unions lost legitimacy.  In December 2005, a faction of the Bolivian social movements won the general elections, and Evo Morales (the cocalero movement´s leader) became the first Aymara president in Bolivian history. How to manage this government it is one of the majors challenges the social movements confront in today’s Bolivia. La emergencia de movimientos sociales en la esfera pública está ligada a las consecuencias negativas del neoliberalismo.  Actores sociales provenientes de distintos sectores y con intereses distintos unieron fuerzas contra un sistema que se convirtió en el “antagonista común”.  Después de años de organización autónoma, estos movimientos lograron reconocimiento político e incrementaron su poder de gestión, mientras los partidos políticos y los sindicatos perdían legitimidad.  En diciembre 2005 una facción de los movimientos sociales ganó las elecciones generales y Evo Morales (líder del movimiento cocalero) se convirtió en el primer Presidente aymara de la historia de Bolivia. Cómo gestionar este gobierno constituye hoy día uno de los mayores retos que enfrentan los movimientos sociales.

Het effect van in- en uittrede bij stemverschuivingen : Een statistische analyse toegepast op gegevens uit Limburg

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-244
Author(s):  
Jaak Billiet
Keyword(s):  
Statistical Analysis ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
The Political ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Marginal Distributions ◽  
Exit Poll ◽  
Statistische Analyse ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The Impact

This study evaluates the impact of new voters and deceased voters in the statistical analysis of shifts in voting behaviour from one election to another.  Conclusions about the shifts between the political parties from one election to another are ajfected by the fact that at the time of the analyzed election, the population of the former election bas substantial by changed. In order to fix the marginal distributions of the turnover table, estimations should be made about the distribution of the new voters and the deceased voters over the political parties.  Information about the new voters can be extracted from the sample in use.  Estimations of the last voting behaviour of the deceased are based on prior surveys.  The conclusions about the mutual shifts between parties are affected to the degree that the parties differ according to the age distributions.The method has been applied to exit poll datafrom the 1991 general elections in Limburg.

scholarly journals Encouraging Popular Political Participation and Effective Election Monitoring Through Whatsapp Social Media Platforms

2021 ◽  
Vol 04 (04) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ikegbunam, Peter .C ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Popular Participation ◽  
The Social ◽  
Election Monitoring ◽  
Social Media Platforms ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Use Of Social Media

Nigeria and Nigerians have witnessed different kinds of electoral frauds since the return to democracy in 1999. Counting from the 1999 general election in Nigeria, the 2019 general election is the 6th general elections conducted in the country. Unfortunately, none of these elections have been considered to be free and fair as there are always public outcries from one end to another against the results of the elections as a result of lack of transparency in the process. Drawing from this background, this study, examines whether heavy use of WhatsApp platforms by different political parties in the election encouraged popular participation and effective monitoring of the electoral processes. The study which examined a total of 318 respondents sampled from select WhatsApp groups of the two leading political parties adopted the survey research method with the social media engagement and technological acceptance theories as its theoretical framework to ascertain whether the use of WhatsApp platforms by political parties encouraged popular participation among the electorate and determine if WhatsApp platforms were helpful to parties in monitoring the 2019 general election as well as its processes. Findings revealed that WhatsApp use encouraged popular participation and electoral process monitoring. The researchers recommended that the political parties and the electoral umpire should engage more in the use of social media platforms in passing information during, on and after election to encourage transparency in leadership.

De persistentie van verzuiling op microniveau in Vlaanderen : Een analyse van surveydata over lidmaatschap, zuilintegratie, stemgedrag en maatschappelijke houdingen

Res Publica ◽  
1999 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 391-420
Author(s):  
Marc Hooghe
Keyword(s):  
Social Capital ◽  
Health Insurance ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Survey Data ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Strong Influence ◽  
Voluntary Associations ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
The Social ◽  
High Degree

An analysis of survey data on membership, pillarisation, voting behaviour and attitudes.Belgian society is traditionally portrayed as heavily pillarised, i.e. having a system of exclusive linkages between voluntary associations and political parties, resulting in the formation of a catholic, a socialist and a liberal 'pillar' within society. Recently, several authors have questioned the validity oft his model. Our survey of the Flemish population, however, shows that pillarisation is an enduring feature of Flemish society. Membership of voluntary associations, trade unions and health insurance organisations remains ideologically motivated, and shows a high degree ofconsistency in this respect. Integration into a 'pillar' exerts a strong influence on voting behaviour, although this effect weakens in younger generations. Pillars also have significant, but weaker effects on attitudes like individualism, trust and solidarity. In the social capital research tradition, these differential effects of membership are often neglected. Although there are signs that pillarisation weakens in Fiemish society, the system certainly has not disappeared.

scholarly journals The Socialization Function of Sport in the Election Manifestos of Spanish Political Parties: General Election 2011 (La función socializadora del deporte en los programas electorales de los partidos políticos en España: elecciones genérales 2011)

Retos ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 233-237
Author(s):  
Inma Canales-Lacruz ◽  
Ana Rey-Cao
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Intervention Program ◽  
Social Values ◽  
Theoretical Perspective ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Imaginary ◽  
Election Manifestos ◽  
The Social ◽  
El Sistema ◽  
General Elections

The objective of this work was to identify the manner in which the educational dimension of sport was dealt with in the election discourses of the manifestos of the political parties that stood candidates in the 2011 general elections in Spain. The theoretical perspective of this study is based on the concept that sports has integration and socialisation functions (García, Puig, Lagardera & Vilanova, 2017). A content analysis was used to examine the discourses in the manifestos. The study population comprised the 56 election manifestos of the parties that stood candidates, of these, 27 (48,2%) included some reference about the educational values of the sport. Data was processed using the SPSS 20 statistical package and the NVIVO 10 software. The political parties presented sport as an educational strategy for imparting positive values such as integral development, tolerance, etc. The ideas reflect a lack of ideological pluralism: concepts were generic and homogenous and there was a complete absence of specific educational measures aimed at fostering the social values of participation in sports activities. In conclusion, the sport is utilized as a mechanism of social control and normalization. This is possible because the social imaginary that sees sport as an excellent transmitter of social values. This work would advise political parties to include specify proposals and the intervention program on the promotion of sport in their manifestos as a means to stimulate the genuine improvement of social values.Resumen. El objetivo de este trabajo fue identificar cómo fue mostrada la dimensión educativa del deporte en el discurso electoral de los programas de los partidos políticos que presentaron candidatura a las elecciones generales del 2011 en España. La perspectiva teórica del estudio parte de que el sistema deportivo tiene una función integradora y socializadora (García, Puig, Lagardera & Vilanova, 2017). Se utilizó el análisis de contenido para examinar el discurso de estos textos. Se utilizó el software NVIVO 10 y el SPSS 20. La población de estudio fue el conjunto de programas electorales de los partidos políticos que presentaron candidatura a las elecciones generales. La muestra fue de 56 programas electorales, de los cuales, 14 (25%) incluyeron alguna referencia sobre los valores educativos del deporte. Los partidos políticos presentaron al deporte en sus discursos de los programas electorales como una estrategia para la educación en valores positivos, tales como el desarrollo integral, la tolerancia, el afán de superación, la perseverancia, etc. Las ideas propuestas por los programas electorales reflejaron una falta de pluralidad ideológica, ya que fueron todas genéricas y homogéneas, prescindiendo de medidas educativas concretas para potenciar los valores sociales de la práctica deportiva.En conclusión, el deporte es utilizado como un mecanismo de control y normalización social. Esto es posible porque el imaginario social establece que el deporte es un excelente transmisor de valores sociales. Se recomienda la inclusión de propuestas educativas concretas de promoción deportiva por parte de los partidos políticos en sus programas electorales para desarrollar los valores sociales.

Nation, Locality and Radical Identity

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malcolm Petrie
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Central Control ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Political Left ◽  
National Model ◽  
Selection Of

Concentrating upon the years between the 1924 and 1929 general elections, which separated the first and second minority Labour governments, this chapter traces the rise of a modernised, national vision of Labour politics in Scotland. It considers first the reworking of understandings of sovereignty within the Labour movement, as the autonomy enjoyed by provincial trades councils was circumscribed, and notions of Labour as a confederation of working-class bodies, which could in places include the Communist Party, were replaced by a more hierarchical, national model. The electoral consequences of this shift are then considered, as greater central control was exercised over the selection of parliamentary candidates and the conduct of election campaigns. This chapter presents a study of the changing horizons of the political left in inter-war Scotland, analysing the declining importance of locality in the construction of radical political identities.

The Ideology of Socialism and the Armenian Political Parties

wisdom ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-113
Author(s):  
Gegham HOVHANNISYAN
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Time Period ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Given

The article covers the manifestations and peculiarities of the ideology of socialism in the social-political life of Armenia at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. General characteristics, aims and directions of activity of the political organizations functioning in the Armenian reality within the given time-period, whose program documents feature the ideology of socialism to one degree or another, are given (Hunchakian Party, Dashnaktsutyun, Armenian Social-democrats, Specifics, Socialists-revolutionaries). The specific peculiarities of the national-political life of Armenia in the given time-period and their impact on the ideology of political forces are introduced.

Werkloze jongeren : links, rechts of apathisch? : Een onderzoek naar de invloed van werkloosheid op de politieke en maatschappelijke opvattingen van jongeren

Res Publica ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-94
Author(s):  
Hans De Witte
Keyword(s):  
Learned Helplessness ◽  
The Political ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Review Of The Literature ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
Religious Attitudes ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Onderzoek Naar ◽  
Political Apathy ◽  
The Unemployed

Our review of the literature shows that only a minority of youngsters shifts to a more extreme (leftist or rightist) political position because of their experience with unemployment. Unemployment deepens the political apathy of the majority of the youngsters. Unemployment isolates youngsters, so they cannot develop any involvement in polities. The"learned-helplessness" experience of unemployment also contributes to their political apathy.In 1985, 536 employed and 220 unemployed were surveyed on their political, socio-economical and religious attitudes, and their voting behaviour. Because the majority of the respondents were militants of the Christian Labour Movement, we expected the unemployed to shift to the left, rather than to become politically apathetic. The results confirm this hypothesis : the unemployed described themselves as "center left", were more radical on socio-economical issues and favored a more leftist vote that the employed. Surprisingly, the unemployed were also more sceptical about religion and more permissive in sexual ethics.

scholarly journals La transparencia de los partidos políticos como estrategia electoral. Una evaluación de sus promesas y sus páginas web

Tripodos ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 83-104
Author(s):  
María Díez Garrido ◽  
Eva Campos Domínguez ◽  
Dafne Calvo
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Web Sites ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Parties ◽  
The Public ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Insight Into

El escenario digital ha impulsado pro­fundos cambios en el entorno político, entre los que se puede distinguir el im­pulso de la transparencia informativa. La transparencia se ha convertido en uno de los valores democráticos que los políticos quieren demostrar de cara a la ciudadanía, ya que es un signo de le­gitimidad, evolución y lucha contra la corrupción. Los partidos políticos han introducido la transparencia en sus dis­cursos y argumentarios. Precisamente las formaciones tienen una reputación baja en cuanto a apertura informativa. Este artículo pretende estudiar la intro­ducción de la transparencia en el dis­curso electoral de los partidos políticos. Para ello, se estudia la presencia de la transparencia en los programas elec­torales de las principales formaciones políticas españolas durante las últimas Elecciones Generales (2015 y 2016). A continuación, se realiza un análisis de contenido de sus páginas web, que pretende conocer su nivel de apertura informativa. Esta metodología nos per­mite descubrir si lo que promocionan las formaciones en los programas se relaciona con el desarrollo en sus pá­ginas web. Los resultados muestran las diferencias entre los nuevos partidos y los tradicionales, así como la evolución entre unos comicios y los siguientes.   Political Parties’ Transparency As an Electoral Strategy. An Evaluation of Their Promises and Their Websites The digital scenario has produced pro­found changes in the political environ­ment, and transparency is part of this transformation. Transparency has become one of the most valued aspirations that politicians want to demonstrate to the public, as it is a sign of legitimacy, evolution, and the fight against corrup­tion. Political parties have introduced transparency in their speeches and ar­guments. At the same time, political for­mations have a low reputation in terms of informative openness. This article aims to study the introduction of trans­parency in the political parties’ electoral discourse. To this end, we explore the presence of transparency in the electo­ral programs of the main Spanish poli­tical parties during the last two General Elections (2015 and 2016). Next, we carry out a content analysis of their web sites, which aims to gain deeper insight into their level of informative openness. This methodology allows us to determine if Spanish political parties promote in their programs the same ob­jectives that they put forward on their web sites. The results also show the di­fferences between the new parties and the traditional ones, as well as their evolution between the General Elections in 2015 and 2016.

scholarly journals Introduction (Special Edition – The Presidential Nomination Process)

2008 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 289-291
Author(s):  
Wayne P. Steger
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Special Edition ◽  
Presidential Nomination ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Democratic Country

Understanding why certain candidates get nominated is an important aspect of political scientists. This topic is a narrow one and influences a wider variety of subjects such as the political parties, general elections, and even the extent to which the United States is a democratic country. Presidential nominees matter—they become the foremost spokesperson and the personified image of the party (Miller and Gronbeck 1994), the main selectors of issues and policies for their party’s general election campaign (Petrocik 1996; Tedesco 2001), a major force in defining the ideological direction of a political party (Herrera 1995), and candidates that voters select among in the general election. This volume is devoted to presidential nominations and the 2008 nomination specifically.

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