Framing of the U.S.’ 2016 Presidential election: a content analysis of Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton’s campaign speeches

Author(s):  
Tawfiq Ola Abdullah
2021 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 421-433
Author(s):  
Christopher J. Finlay

AbstractProponents of nonviolent tactics often highlight the extent to which they rival arms as effective means of resistance. Erica Chenoweth and Maria Stephan, for instance, compare civil resistance favorably to armed insurrection as means of bringing about progressive political change. In Ethics, Security, and the War-Machine, Ned Dobos cites their work in support of the claim that similar methods—organized according to Gene Sharp's idea of “civilian-based defense”—may be substituted for regular armed forces in the face of international aggression. I deconstruct this line of pacifist thought by arguing that it builds on the wrong binary. Turning away from a violence-nonviolence dichotomy structured around harmfulness, I look to Richard B. Gregg and Hannah Arendt for an account of nonviolent power defined by non-coercion. Whereas nonviolent coercion in the wrong hands still has the potential to subvert democratic institutions—just as armed methods can—Gregg's and Arendt's conceptions of nonviolent power identify a necessary bulwark against both forms of subversion. The dangers of nonviolent coercion can be seen in the largely nonviolent attempts at civil subversion by supporters of Donald Trump during Trump's attempts to overturn the results of the U.S. presidential election in 2020, while the effectiveness of noncoercive, nonviolent power is illustrated by the resistance of U.S. democratic institutions to resist them.


2020 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 146-159
Author(s):  
Nicole Smith Dahmen

Applying person perception theory, this research uses quantitative content analysis to analyze 1,183 newspaper photographs of the two leading candidates from the 2016 presidential election. Study findings show that there were statistically significant differences in the photographic presentations of Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump in the 2016 election, with Clinton pictured more favorably than Trump.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angela Book ◽  
Beth Visser ◽  
Anthony Volk

The U.S. 2020 presidential election has, like the 2016 election, brought attention to the two candidates’ personalities. We invited HEXACO researchers to complete observer-report inventories for Joe Biden’s and Donald Trump’s public personalities. Given previous comparison of Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump prior to the 2016 election, we are also able to compare the 2020 candidates to the 2016 candidates. Our ratings reveal a relatively average profile of personality traits for Joe Biden, including higher ratings than Trump for Honesty-Humility, Agreeableness, Extraversion, and Conscientiousness. Biden also scores higher on all traits than Clinton other than her slightly higher scores for Conscientiousness and Openness. In comparison to his 2016 ratings, in 2020 Trump is rated as having lower Extraversion and much lower Conscientiousness along with higher Emotionality (especially Fearfulness). Overall, our data once again suggest a Narcissistic profile for Trump, with elements of psychopathic personality traits, while Biden presents as an outgoing individual with slightly above average prosocial traits.


Author(s):  
Rengim Sine Nazli ◽  
Kemal Avci

Academic studies that form the basis of critical paradigm are collected around the theme of “ideological mediation of texts in the media.” These studies focus on the news reports as the most influential products of the media. The aforementioned studies emphasize that objectivity, which is the leading notion in traditional journalism, is shaped in favor of the involved parties, and therefore examine the discourse of the news with the aim of revealing these aspects by utilizing a number of methods. This study analyzed how the week following the U.S. Presidential election held on November 8, 2016 and won by Donald Trump; and the week after Trump's inauguration and taking of office after President Barack Obama on January 20, 2017 were portrayed in Turkish newspapers holding different ideological stances. The study utilized van Dijk's Critical Discourse Analysis Method. The front pages of newspapers with different ideological stances such as Sözcü, Sabah and Hürriyet newspapers were taken as the samples of the study. The study results pointed that newspapers shaped their news in line with their ideological expectations as was the case in Sabah newspaper sample. It was also observed that Trump was reported as the boss of the world, the richest US president, racist, Islamophobic and nationalist in other two newspapers included in the study.


2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (5) ◽  
pp. 318-322
Author(s):  
Ronald J. Pelias

Following the 2016 U.S. presidential election, I find myself struggling, wanting to find a narrative that will let me sleep, but I am unable to find any comfort in the current political landscape. I call upon a fragmentary structure in this autoethnographic essay to display the troubling thoughts and incidents that have assailed me since the election, to point toward a frightening right wing agenda, and to demonstrate why I cannot sleep. Each numbered section offers evidence that the moral core of the United States has been deeply damaged by the election of Donald Trump.


2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Evelyn Evelyn ◽  
Sautma Ronni Basana

The U.S. Presidential election was an event that received widespread attention across the globe. In the 2008 presidential campaign, Barrack Obama nominated to be the first black President. In 2016, Hillary Clinton poten­tially becomes the first woman President in American history, while the other can­di­da­te, Donald Trump, ma­de some unpopular and controversial proposals. The purpose of this paper is to ana­­­lyse whether the 2008 and 2016 election were considered as the rele­vant information in the Indonesian Stock Market (IDX). The daily closing prices of all all share listed in IDX wo­uld be examined used event stu­­­dy method. The results provide insight about the res­pon­si­­­veness of IDX parti­ci­pants to the U.S. Pre­si­den­­tial election event that could be used in decision making.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 237802311774069 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emily K. Carian ◽  
Tagart Cain Sobotka

Using an experimental study fielded before the U.S. 2016 presidential election, we test one potential mechanism to explain the outcome of the election: threatened gender identity. Building on masculine overcompensation literature, we test whether threat to masculinity can explain differential support for Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton among men, and adjudicate between two mediators: desire for a male president and desire for a masculine president. As predicted, we find that masculinity threat increases desire for a masculine president (but not desire for a male president), which in turn increases support for Trump and decreases support for Clinton among men. This study empirically documents the role masculinity threat may have played in the 2016 presidential election and politics more generally. This study also contributes to theory by providing evidence that masculine overcompensation works symbolically to reassert the status of masculinity over femininity rather than to simply emphasize maleness over femaleness.


Author(s):  
J. Eric Oliver ◽  
Wendy M. Rahn

Despite the wide application of the label “populist” in the 2016 election cycle, there has been little systematic evidence that this election is distinctive in its populist appeal. Looking at historical trends, contemporary rhetoric, and public opinion data, we find that populism is an appropriate descriptor of the 2016 election and that Donald Trump stands out in particular as the populist par excellence. Historical data reveal a large “representation gap” that typically accompanies populist candidates. Content analysis of campaign speeches shows that Trump, more so than any other candidate, employs a rhetoric that is distinctive in its simplicity, anti-elitism, and collectivism. Original survey data show that Trump’s supporters are distinctive in their unique combination of anti-expertise, anti-elitism, and pronationalist sentiments. Together, these findings highlight the distinctiveness of populism as a mechanism of political mobilization and the unusual character of the 2016 race.


2018 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 229-238 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kirby Goidel ◽  
Keith Gaddie ◽  
Spencer Goidel

ABSTRACTUsing content analysis and original survey data, we investigated the news coverage and consequences of Donald Trump’s “rigged-election” claims during the 2016 presidential election. We added to previous literature by showing that the effects of such claims were highly contingent on individual partisan affiliation. Republicans and Independents who believed that the elections were rigged via voter fraud or media bias were more likely to report that they intended to vote or had already voted. Democrats and Independents who believed that Hillary Clinton would benefit from voter fraud or media bias were more likely to vote for Donald Trump.


2013 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-176 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dimitri Almeida

Academic analyses of the French radical right tend to converge in their assessment that, since Marine Le Pen took over the campaign management of the 2007 presidential election and succeeded her father as party president, the Front National has undergone a path of image change and ideological deradicalization or, at least, that most radical and polemic stances have been toned down. Demonstrating that ideological change must be understood as a complex and multiform process, this article examines whether the dédiabolisation preached by Marine Le Pen has led to the emergence of a post-radical Front National. The analysis is based on a qualitative content analysis of campaign speeches and programmatic documents produced between 2007 and June 2012. The results reveal that, rather than an all-encompassing deradicalization, the FN has undergone a process of selective moderation, issue reframing and integration of republican lieux de mémoire accompanied by a radicalization of its programmatic responses to European integration.


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