scholarly journals The analysis of the dynamics of the electorate system by using q-distribution-a case study

2021 ◽  
Vol 2090 (1) ◽  
pp. 012073
Author(s):  
Dode Prenga ◽  
Klaudio Peqini ◽  
Rudina Osmani

Abstract In this work we study the system of the votes, the mechanism of the electoral support formation, and also the elements of its dynamics, by analyzing the data from several election processes in Albania. Firstly, we evidence the specific features and the characteristics of the distributions of votes through a descriptive approach, and next we use those findings to identify the nature of the elementary processes of the agreement, the defects of the system and dynamical issues. The distributions of the votes for the majority or majority-like election as by polling stations reference results a two-parts function. The part of the distribution located in the small vote fraction fits to a power law or to a q-exponential function, therefore the foremost factor of the electoral support for the subjects populating this zone is based in the preferential attachment rule, with some modification. Consequently, the small subjects or independent candidates, realize their electoral attractiveness based on the individual performance. Also, their voters act rationally and usually gather sufficient information before deciding to support them. The bell-shaped part of the distribution which describes the votes of the candidates of the main parties, fits better to the q-gaussian functions. In this case, electoral support is affected strongly by the political activists (militants) which harvest local influences to convict people producing an extra support for the candidates of big parties, regardless of their performance and electoral values. This physiognomy is characteristic for all legislative and administrative majority voting or other majority-like elections as practically behave the closed-lists elections of 2009, 2013, 2017 and also the semi-opened list of the 2021. The distributions of the closed-list votes in the administrative elections are mostly of the exponential or q-exponential type. Also, the distributions based on the data from electoral constituencies which include many polling stations resulted q-exponentials for all types of elections. We connected the q-exponential form of the distribution with the electoral network failures, system deficiencies and heterogeneity effects. In 2021, the distributions of the votes for subjects is obtained similar to the typical recent majority voting distribution, a mix of the power law and q-gaussian functions. The distribution of the votes for the candidates on the semi-open list for those elections resulted a mix of two q-exponentials. We associated this last with the difficulties of the voters to understand new electoral rules and additional other causes of the non-electoral nature. Also, the electorate network might have suffered extra irregularity issues due to the inadequate sizes of elections units, etc. The distributions of the votes for the two main parties are found q-gaussians with q ∼ 1.32 and q ∼ 1.57 for the right and the left wing respectively. Based on the non-stationarity level measured by the q-value, significant redistribution events are expected for the left-wing network, whereas the right-wing network would experience fewer changes in ceteris paribus socio-electoral conditions. Interestingly, the mix of the votes for two main political parties has produced a q-gaussian with q=1.004, and subsequently, the joint system is found in a more relaxed state. Therefore, the compound network including two main parties is likely to not undergo significant redistribution of the votes in the near future. This means that the small subjects or the fresh-born ones are not likely to cause changes on the system. Based on the deductions for electoral agreement formation, we used our recently introduced q-opinion approach to model the electoral opinion formation. In this model, the q-opinion produces an additional term that multiplies the modified preferential attachment probability for the link establishment. Herein, the q-parameter is calculated by using an ad-hoc formula involving the performance of the candidate as utility function, which associates the agreement behavior as the response, with the candidate performance as the offer or the cause factor. The quantity q henceforth acts as activation-inhibition switch of the extra utility involved in the q-opinion model, and particularly it provides a nonzero voter’s support for the high-performance opponent candidates. The model has reproduced the distributions analyzed in this study. It resulted that many voters in this electorate system act rationally, despite their affiliations.

Author(s):  
DODE PRENGA ◽  
MARGARITA IFTI

We study the behavior of the number of votes cast for different electoral subjects in majority elections, and in particular, the Albanian elections of the last 10 years, as well as the British, Russian, and Canadian elections. We report the frequency of obtaining a certain percentage (fraction) of votes versus this fraction for the parliamentary elections. In the distribution of votes cast in majority elections we identify two regimes. In the low percentiles we see a power law distribution, with exponent about -1.7. In the power law regime we find over 80% of the data points, while they relate to 20% of the votes cast. Votes of the small electoral subjects are found in this regime. The other regime includes percentiles above 20%, and has Gaussian distribution. It corresponds to large electoral subjects. A similar pattern is observed in other first past the post (FPP) elections, such as British and Canadian, but here the Gaussian is reduced to an exponential. Finally we show that this distribution can not be reproduced by a modified "word of mouth" model of opinion formation. This behavior can be reproduced by a model that comprises different number of zealots, as well as different campaign strengths for different electoral subjects, in presence of preferential attachment of voters to candidates.


1969 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ellen L. Evans

In descriptions of the political structure of the Weimar Republic, the German Center Party is usually grouped as a party of the “middle,” together with the German Democratic Party and German People's Party, between the left-wing Social Democrats and the right-wing German Nationalists. In the years after 1928, the Center showed an increasing disinclination to work in coalition with the Social Democratic Party and finally, under the leadership of Dr. Ludwig Kaas, the last chairman of the Center Party, broke completely with the Socialists. During the same years Heinrich Brüning, Chancellor of Germany from 1930 to 1932, made persistent, though futile, attempts to find an acceptable coalition partner for the Center on the Right, hoping, among other possibilities, to encourage a secession movement from the Nationalist Party in 1930. Because of the rapid dwindling of electoral support for the other parties of the middle, very little attention has been paid to the Center's relationship with them. It is the purpose of this article to show that the mutual antipathies between these parties and the Center were as great or greater than its antipathy toward Social Democracy on certain matters which were vital to the Center's existence. By 1928, in fact, coalition with the parties of the middle had become as unsatisfactory to the leaders of the Center as coalition with the party of the Left. The turning-point in this development was the breakup of the Marx-Keudell right-wing cabinet of 1927. The failure of that government to attain the party's goals in the realm of Kulturpolitik, i.e., religion and education, confirmed the Center's disillusionment with the workings of the parliamentary system itself.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ghislain Romaric Meleu ◽  
Paulin Yonta Melatagia

AbstractUsing the headers of scientific papers, we have built multilayer networks of entities involved in research namely: authors, laboratories, and institutions. We have analyzed some properties of such networks built from data extracted from the HAL archives and found that the network at each layer is a small-world network with power law distribution. In order to simulate such co-publication network, we propose a multilayer network generation model based on the formation of cliques at each layer and the affiliation of each new node to the higher layers. The clique is built from new and existing nodes selected using preferential attachment. We also show that, the degree distribution of generated layers follows a power law. From the simulations of our model, we show that the generated multilayer networks reproduce the studied properties of co-publication networks.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
ERIK NEIMANNS

Abstract Research on the politics of social investment finds public opinion to be highly supportive of expansive reforms and expects this support to matter for the politics of expanding social investment. Expanding social investment, it is argued, should be particularly attractive to left-wing voters and parties because of the egalitarian potential of such policies. However, few studies have examined to what extent individual preferences concerning social investment really matter politically. In this paper, I address this research gap for the crucial policy field of childcare by examining how individual-level preferences for expanding childcare provision translate into voting behavior. Based on original survey data from eight European countries, I find that preferences to expand public childcare spending indeed translate into electoral support for the left. However, this link from preferences to votes turns out to be socially biased. Childcare preferences are much more decisive for voting the further up individuals are in the income distribution. This imperfect transmission from preferences to voting behavior implies that political parties could have incentives to target the benefits of childcare reforms to their more affluent voters. My findings help to explain why governments frequently fail to reduce social inequality of access to seemingly egalitarian childcare provision.


Genealogy ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 60
Author(s):  
Anna Miglietta ◽  
Barbara Loera

We analyzed the relationship between modern forms of populism and citizen support for exclusive welfare policies and proposals, and we focused on support for left-wing- and right-wing-oriented welfare policies enacted or proposed during the Lega Nord (LN)–Five Star Movement (FSM) government in Italy (2018–2019). In light of the theoretical perspective of political ideology as motivated by social cognition, we examined citizens’ support for the two policies considering adherence to populist attitudes, agreement on the criteria useful to define ingroup membership, and personal values. We also took into account the role of cognitive sophistication in populism avoidance. A total of 785 Italian adults (F = 56.6; mean age = 35.8) completed an online survey in the summer of 2019 based on the following: support for populist policies and proposals, political ideologies and positioning, personal values, and ingroup boundaries. We used correlation and regression analyses. The results highlight the relationships between populism and political conservatism. Populism was related to the vertical and horizontal borders defining the “people”; cognitive sophistication was not a relevant driver. We identified some facilitating factors that could promote adherence to and support for public policies inspired by the values of the right or of the left, without a true ideological connotation.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zicong Guo ◽  
Kunhua Wen ◽  
Yuwen Qin ◽  
Yihong Fang ◽  
Zhengfeng Li ◽  
...  

AbstractIn this paper, a sub-wavelength metal-insulator-metal (MIM) waveguide structure is proposed by using a cross-shape rectangular cavity, of which wings are coupled with two rectangular cavities. Firstly, a cross-shape rectangular cavity is placed between the input and output MIM waveguides. According to the mutual interference between bright and dark modes, three Fano resonant peaks are generated. Secondly, by adding a rectangular cavity on the left wing of the cross shaped one, five asymmetric Fano resonance peaks are obtained. Thirdly, six asymmetric Fano resonance peaks are achieved after adding another cavity on the right wing. Finally, the finite-difference-time-domain (FDTD) method and multimode interference coupled-mode theory (MICMT) are used to simulate and analyze the coupled plasmonic resonant system, respectively. The highest sensitivity of 1 000nm/RIU is achieved.


1994 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 281-285 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan D. Knight ◽  
John D. Mumford

All farmers and growers have at some time faced the decision of whether to control a pest in their crop. In order to make the correct decision the farmer needs access to, and an understanding of, sufficient information relevant to such pest problems. Decision support systems are able to help farmers make these difficult decisions by providing information in an easily understandable and quickly accessed form. The increasing use of computers by farmers for record-keeping and business management is putting the hardware necessary for the implementation of these systems onto more and more farms. The scarcity of expert advice, increasingly complex decisions and reduced economic margins all increase the importance of making the right pest management decision at the right time. It is against this background that decision support systems have an important role to play in the fight against losses caused by pests and diseases.


1978 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 509-518 ◽  
Author(s):  
François Canone ◽  
Jean Claude Guyot

For the 1978 legislative elections, all French political parties have, for the first time, a relatively detailed health policy. The right-wing parties of the present government concentrate on the reduction of medical expenditure and the maintenance of the free enterprise tradition of French medicine. The left-wing parties concentrate more on the development of public health institutions and suggest nationalization of the pharmaceutical industry. Within the Left, there is, however, a difference of emphasis: the Socialists propose the setting up of medicosocial centers and abolition of the fee-for-service system; the Communists concentrate rather on industrial health and believe that an improved health service can only come from changes in overall social economic policy. None of these policies is particularly adventurous but their mere existence shows that health is now a major political preoccupation in France. Some of these policies are mainly concerned with individual and public welfare and others with the necessity of maintaining a certain social order. The debate surrounding health policy usually turns around these two issues.


1993 ◽  
Vol 75 (3) ◽  
pp. 1263-1271 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Antonio ◽  
W. J. Gonyea

Intermittent stretch of the anterior latissimus dorsi (ALD) muscle produces fiber hypertrophy without fiber hyperplasia (J. Appl. Physiol. 74: 1893–1898, 1993). This study was undertaken to determine if a progressive increase in load and duration of stretch would induce extremely large muscle fiber areas or if the fibers would reach a critical size before the onset of fiber hyperplasia. Weights ranging from 10 to 35% of the bird's mass were attached to the right wing of 26 adult quail while the left wing served as the intra-animal control. The stretch protocol was as follows: day 1 (10% wt), days 2 and 3 (rest), day 4 (15% wt), days 5–7 (rest), day 8 (20% wt), days 9 and 10 (rest), days 11–14 (25% wt), days 15 and 16 (rest), and days 17–38 (35% wt). Birds were killed after 12, 16, 20, 24, and 28 days of stretch not including rest days. Muscle mass increased 174% (12 days), 196% (16 days), 225% (20 days), 264% (24 days), and 318% (28 days). Muscle length increased 60% (12 days), 34% (16 days), 59% (20 days), 50% (24 days), and 51% (28 days). Mean fiber area increased 111% (12 days), 142% (16 days), 75% (20 days), 90% (24 days), and 39% (28 days). Fiber number, which was measured histologically, increased significantly by 82% only in the 28 days of stretch group. The percentage of slow tonic fibers did not change for any of the time points examined.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS)


Author(s):  
Marthinus J. Kotze ◽  
Kurt-W. Bütow ◽  
Steve A. Olorunju ◽  
Harry F. Kotze

There is a lack of information in comparing the healing rate between the left and right sides of the maxilla and mandible. Osteogenesis of alveolar bone was evaluated with digital radiology by comparing differences in bone density (BD) at different time points within the left and right maxilla and mandible. Alveolar bone defects were created in five healthy Chacma baboons. Standardised x-ray images were acquired over time and the densities of the selected trauma areas were measured pre-operatively, post-operatively and at 3 and 6 weeks post-operatively. Differences in densities were statistically tested. There was no significant difference when the grey scale averages of the combined first and fourth quadrants (right side) and combined second and third quadrants (left side) were compared pre-operatively (t = 0.70), immediately post-operatively (t = 0.34), 3 weeks post-operatively (t = 0.40) and 6 weeks post-operatively (t = 0.66). There was also no significant difference between the values for the first and second quadrants (maxilla) pre-operatively (t = 0.37), immediately post-operatively (t = 0.30), 3 weeks post-operatively (t = 0.30) and 6 weeks post-operatively (t = 0.38); the third and fourth quadrants (mandible) were also not significantly different pre-operatively (t = 0.29), immediately post-operatively (t = 0.69), 3 weeks post-operatively (t = 0.07) and 6 weeks postoperatively (t = 0.06). However, the results showed an increased predisposition of the right side to regenerate faster than the left side and indicated sufficient information to investigate the effect of laterality and preferred side of mastication on the rate of healing and alveolar BD in the maxilla and mandible.


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