scholarly journals Accountability and Blame Avoidance After Crises

Author(s):  
Sanneke Kuipers ◽  
Annika Brändström

The post-crisis accountability process is a purification ritual that serves to channel public emotions and enables re-equilibration after a severe disturbance of the sociopolitical order. Crisis accountability literature can be reviewed in terms of forums, actors, and consequences. This setup allows a systematic discussion of how crises impact: the accountability process in influencing its setting (the forum); the strategies of accountees and their opponents (actors); and the resulting outcomes in terms of reputation damage, sanctions, and restoration (consequences). There is a clear distinction between formal and informal accountability forums, with the media being almost exclusively informal, and judicial forums, accident investigators, and political inquiries having formal authority over accountability assessments. Yet, through the presence of formal authorities in media reporting, and because media frames influence the work of formal authorities, the different forums intensively interact in accountability processes. Looking at accountability strategies reveals that the number of actors involved in blame games is likely rising because of increasingly networked crisis responses, and the role of actors has become more important and personal in the crisis aftermath and accountability process. The consequences and success of individual actors in influencing the accountability outcomes is shaped by both institutional settings and individual skills and strategies. A current political power position that exceeds prior mistakes is an effective shield, and denial is the least effective though most commonly used strategy. Accountability processes remain a balancing act between rebuttal and repair. Yet after major crisis, renewal is possible, and post-crisis accountability can play a crucial role therein.

Journalism ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 146488492095950
Author(s):  
Jefferson Lyndon D Ragragio

Editorials are a political force used by news media to fulfil its watchdog function in fragile democracies like the Philippines. However, they also serve as a platform to invite a more positive reading of strongman administration. Against the backdrop of media populism, the article will problematize how the Fourth Estate articulates its political stance by examining the tensions and complexities in editorials. It will highlight the ways the media deals with subjects and stories surrounding Rodrigo Duterte. Through an analysis of editorials of four leading dominant news outlets (Bulletin, Inquirer, Rappler, and Star), three meta-thematic categories of media frames are uncovered. First, character degradation frames delineate how the media denounces the ties of Duterte with other political actors, particularly the Marcoses and China’s Xi. Second, pro-establishment frames echo the optimistic mantra of the government amid crisis. And third, non-editorial frames exhibit the failure of media to publish watchdog-inspired editorials. Each of these categories has underlying frames that are indicative of the democratic potential, or lack thereof, of news media.


Author(s):  
Sandra Jacobs ◽  
Thomas Schillemans

The role of the media in public accountability has often been discussed. This is especially the case for public sector organisations, whose accountability relations have changed in the shift from government to governance. In this paper, we develop a typology of the ways mass media are involved in public accountability processes. Media can stimulate actors to reflect on their behaviour, trigger formal accountability by reporting on the behaviour of actors, amplify formal accountability as they report on it or act as an independent and informal accountability forum. To explore the presence of these roles in practice, we focus on public sector organisations in the Netherlands. Our quantitative and qualitative analysis in the Netherlands suggests that the media primarily serve an indirect role in public accountability, either by invoking pre-emptive self-criticism in public organisations in anticipation of potential media scrutiny or by triggering formal accountability demands from MPs


2011 ◽  
Vol 10 (03) ◽  
pp. A01 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mariechel J. Navarro ◽  
Jenny A. Panopio ◽  
Donna Bae Malayang ◽  
Noel Amano Jr.

This article presents key results of a ten-year study of media coverage of agricultural biotechnology in the Philippines, the only country in Asia to date to approve a biotech food/feed crop (Bt corn) for commercialization. The top three national English newspapers – Manila Bulletin, Philippine Daily Inquirer, and Philippine Star were analyzed to determine patterns of media attention measured by coverage peaks, tone, source of news, keywords, and media frames used. Biotechnology news was generally positive but not high in the media agenda. News coverage was marked by occasional peaks brought about by drama and controversial events which triggered attention but not long enough to sustain interest. The study provides a glimpse into the role of mass media in a developing country context. It shows how a complex and contentious topic is integrated into the mainstream of news reporting, and eventually evolves from an emotional discourse to one that allows informed decision making.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 43-62
Author(s):  
Anđelija Đukić

In recent decades, there has been notably increased engagement of the international community in combating human trafficking, which has also been contributed by the media. The role of the media is reflected in building certain public attitudes and influencing political decision-making. Based on the selected literature, the paper considers the media framing of human trafficking from the 1990s to the present. The media decides on how to approach trafficking, content and causes, information sources, generating and presenting alternative solutions process, as well as motivational procedures for initiating actions of the public and politicians, thus creating diagnostic, prognostic and motivational frames. Based on the research, it is concluded that media frames of human trafficking are not holistic but segmental, and instead of a comprehensive approach, stereotypes are presented in which trafficking is identified with sexual exploitation or considered as the consequence of migration or organized crime actions. This harms the victims, makes the identification of all perpetrators difficult, and narrows the focus of the suppression efforts. It is noted that in the relations between the media, the public and the authorities, in the process of creating a policy and implementing solutions for combating, there are significant influences of policy-makers on media framing, and thus on public attitudes, which provides support and legitimacy of current or future political decisions. In order to illustrate the diversity of media representation of human trafficking, as a COM-plex phenomenon and the possibility of different analyses of media framing, the main findings of several studies in the USA, EU, and Serbia are presented.


2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 531-550 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter E. Mulherin ◽  
Benjamin Isakhan

This article assesses the link between the state and the media in their coverage of foreign policy decisions. It holds up to empirical scrutiny the claim that genuine press criticism can only occur within the bounds of political-elite debate. Taking the Australian government’s 2014 decision to fight the Islamic State as its case study, it explores areas of consensus and dissensus between political discourse and the media. Conducting a qualitative analysis of three media frames used by major newspapers, it tests the “indexing hypothesis” and concludes that some press coverage went beyond the parameters of political-elite debate. This finding of independent criticism has implications beyond the present case study, as it helps us better understand the role of the media in democracies—specifically, holding governments to account when sending their nations to war.


2020 ◽  
pp. 52-61
Author(s):  
Joshua N. Aston

This chapter deals with the policing system in India, the police acts and various other related acts enforced in the country, and the status of human rights of the accused or the person in detention. There have been frequent incidents of violation of human rights and complaints against the use of torture, third-degree methods, illegal detention, custodial deaths, assaults, and fake encounters, which have been reported by the media. There are numerous instances of reported custodial crimes and terrible cases of the use of third-degree methods, harassment, and misuse of power, position, and authority. This chapter discusses such serious violations of human rights of the accused and imprisoned by way of arrest, third-degree methods, unwarranted summoning of people/suspects to the police station, and various other custodial crimes. The chapter also discusses the provision of bail in non-bailable offences and handcuffing in the country. It highlights the role of the National Human Rights Commission and its relation with the police system and upholding of human rights.


2011 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephanie A. Fryberg ◽  
Nicole M. Stephens ◽  
Rebecca Covarrubias ◽  
Hazel Rose Markus ◽  
Erin D. Carter ◽  
...  

SURG Journal ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-17
Author(s):  
Michael Bates

This paper assesses the “moral panic” framework of Stanley Cohen with reference to panhandling and squeegeeing in Ontario. There are four general tenets of the moral panic model, three of which can be said to have been documented in the case of panhandling in Ontario: a recognized threat (panhandling), a rise in public concern, and punitive control mechanisms established to eliminate the threat. This paper argues that the fourth tenet, a stereotypical presentation of the moral threat to the social order, has not been systematically analyzed, and therefore that is the task of this paper. Specifically, this paper examines the framing used by the mainstream print media in Ontario to construct the panhandling/squeegeeing problem. Articles and letters­ to the­ editor were sampled from two mainstream Ontario newspapers, the Toronto Star and the Ottawa Citizen, to examine the mainstream media’s framing of panhandling and squeegee cleaning. This sample was taken between 1995 and 2005, a timeframe which revolves around the implementation of the Ontario Safe Streets Act 2000, which is recognized as the punitive control mechanism designed to eliminate the threat of panhandling. The findings of this paper lead to the conclusion that panhandling in Ontario during the implementation of the Ontario Safe Streets Act does not constitute a classic moral panic by virtue of the role the media played. However, the evidence that punitive control mechanisms were established absent the support of the mainstream media suggests that a deeper understanding of the role of mainstream media as well as political interests is required with respect to framing moral panics.


Author(s):  
Dana Raluca Buturoiu ◽  
Nicoleta Corbu

This research paper focuses on indirect (mediated) media effects. In particular, we discuss which independent variables might intervene in and moderate the impact of framing effects on public attitudes (namely political trust), both in short-term and medium-term contexts. Among these, we focus on source credibility as a possible moderator of framing effects over time. The purpose of this study was to examine if and how source credibility influences individuals’ political trust. The moderator role of source credibility is analysed according to the exposure to different types of frames (repetitive or competitive) at different moments (one week or one month). By means of a framing experiment (N=769) on political topics, we argue that media frames could influence political trust: Source credibility has a marginal influence, which suggests that, with stronger stimulus material (video, as opposed to written press articles), the source could play an important role in the willingness of people to trust political figures in general. Thus, we might argue that the media play a significant role not only in offering information about politics and politicians, but also in altering people’s perceptions about them. On the other hand, time seems to matter, since framing effects are more powerful after competitive media exposures. This study proposes new theoretical insights into framing effects, in the sense that classical theories should be revisited in various cultural or political contexts


Author(s):  
Keerthana Thankachan ◽  
P E Thomas

The role of media in conflict situations is vital. When it comes to reporting a news story especially a conflict, it has been an issue of discussion as media have all the powers to decide how the story has to be framed in reality. The paper substantiates the occurrence of a pair of conflict frames that are often used by media while reporting a conflict. A qualitative content analysis of post Uri attack publications in The Hindu (Indian daily) and Dawn (Pakistani Daily) for one month is considered for analysis. The predominant appearance of ‘Indicative’ and ‘Dispute’ Frames often in pair and their concurrent relation in both the newspapers manifest the abstract, concrete and neutral characteristics of the frames. These identified frames are capable enough to create understandings, emotions, cognitions and perceptions which in reality form opinions, perspectives and discussions. This study significantly focuses on the role of the media frames in reporting Indo-Pak Conflicts in a real world scenario that later on provides the major context of discussion and bilateral relations between the countries. When indicative frames are colluded in conflict reports, their destructive power is much more as the indications are often rooted in a way to escalate the dispute that occurred. The effectiveness and the intensity of these notable paired frames are discussed in the paper to comprehend the reality of conflict frames used by media. 


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