Democratic Rollback in Africa

Author(s):  
Lise Rakner

There is a global trend of democratic retrenchment across the world, in both new and more established democracies. The African continent is part of the trend, although there are distinct regional variances on the continent. Yet, despite democratic gains in some states and along some dimensions of democratic rights, the overall trend is that the democratic gains won in the period after 1990 are now eroding. Democracy is challenged in ways that pose threats to freedom of speech, association, and information, the ability to choose political leaders, protection of personal integrity and private life, and the rule of law with recourse to independent courts. As part of a global trend of democratic backsliding, African states have adopted legal restrictions on key civil and political rights that form the basis of democratic rule in a range of countries, from dominant party regimes such as Zimbabwe, Rwanda, and Tanzania to competitive electoral democracies like Zambia, Senegal, and Malawi. In South Africa, where democracy and rule of law appear deeply institutionalized, the succession battles and exposed levels of corruption under President Zuma, now removed from the leadership of the ANC party, suggest a weakening of the institutions intended to check executive powers. The September 2017 court annulment of the Kenyan elections suggests that the courts were able to perform an important accountability function and safeguard free and fair elections. Yet, the aftermath of the 2017 Kenyan elections culminated in early 2018 with President Uhuru Kenyatta closing down television and radio stations. Civil society actors, policy makers, and scholars warn against the democratic backlash and its negative implications for domestic and international politics. Internationally, the African democratic backlash challenges global actors who have long pressured developing countries to politically liberalize. Yet, following what appears to be a global trend of democratic backsliding, space for international influence and the spread of liberal norms is closing rapidly. Domestically, the observed backlash against democracy may pose further social and political threats with wide-reaching implications for development. This may, in turn, challenge the implementation of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Whereas closing space for civil society impacts first and foremost on voice and participation, restrictions on civil society ultimately may curb even the most seemingly apolitical activities such as humanitarian relief. At present, there is limited understanding of possible response mechanisms to the conscious attempts at democratic rollback from political elites. How do activists come together to advocate for particular rights? When are activists more effective in generating mass citizen support for their campaigns? How can researchers, international actors, and domestic civil society organizations work together to disseminate and use knowledge about organizational resilience in these circumstances? These will be pressing questions for scholars and activists going forward.

Author(s):  
Felix S. Bethke ◽  
Jonas Wolff

Abstract In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, a majority of countries worldwide have introduced severe limitations on the freedom of assembly, if not an outright lockdown, in many cases complemented by restrictions on further civil and political rights. Although restrictions were generally considered necessary to save lives and protect health care systems from overburdening, they also pose the risk of government overreach, that is, governments may use the pandemic as a convenient opportunity and justification to impose restrictions for political purposes. In this sense, COVID-19 may give yet another substantial boost to a global trend that has been unfolding since the early 2000s: the shrinking of civic spaces, which is characterized by an increase in government restrictions that target civil society actors and limit their freedoms of assembly, association, and expression. The aim of the paper is to assess civic space restrictions that have been imposed in response to the COVID-19 pandemic with a view to exploring their immediate consequences as well as their potential mid-term implications for civil society organizations in general and contentious civic activism in particular. We do so by, first, providing evidence from multiple data sources about the global spread of COVID-19-related restrictions over time and across countries. Second, we identify key dynamics at work in order to assess the immediate consequences and the potential mid-term implications of these restrictions. These dynamics are illustrated by looking at experiences from individual countries (including Cambodia, Germany, Hungary, and Lebanon).


Author(s):  
Olena Sakhan ◽  
Yaroslav Morozov

Problem setting. Increased corruption at all levels of government has led to a significant minimization of the efficiency and performance of the entire system of political institutions, negatively affected the socio-economic well-being of the population, hampered the foundations of democracy, rule of law and civil society, created a real threat to Ukraine's national security. Therefore, the problem of preventing and combating corruption in the field of public administration is relevant and needs to be addressed immediately. Recent research and publications analysis on the prevention and combating of corruption in public authorities and local government shows a significant interest of scientists (N. Armash, K. Babenko, Y. Bisaga, A. Horowitz, K. Dubich, L. Campbell, I. Kerusauskaite, M. Kornienko, V. Tertyshnyk, S. Lazarenko, N. Lord, M. Melnyk, F. Mendes, A. Novak, S. Rose-Ackerman, I. Skobina, A. Stevanovich, V. Trepak, J.  E. Foster, I. Shvydkyi and many others) to improve mechanisms to combat corruption in Ukraine. However, despite numerous studies and effective proposals to overcome this destructive phenomenon in the public sector, this problem remains unresolved. Goal setting. The purpose of this article is to find effective legal and organizational tools to combat corruption in public administration in the conditions of the modern development of the Ukrainian state. Paper main body. During the years of independence, corruption has taken root at all levels of government and in many spheres of society, which was facilitated by political, economic, socio-psychological, organizational and managerial reasons. In addition, numerous forms of corruption were institutionalized into informal destructive institutions (nepotism, cronyism, patrimonialism, clientelism, favoritism, etc.), which led to the establishment of clan governance practices and leveling any prospects for state development. Based on the analysis of legal and organizational principles of preventing corruption in public authorities and local self-government, the authors propose a number of effective tools to combat corruption in the sphere of public administration, including, for example, high-ranking officials’ reports on their wealth and income through e-declarations, the institution of whistleblowers, control by anti-corruption bodies and public organizations over the wealth of those in power, the integrity of civil servants, anti-corruption activities of the media and anti-corruption education. Conclusions of the research. In order to optimize the current anti-corruption mechanisms, we consider it appropriate to take into account such factors as comprehensive rule of law and improvement of anti-corruption norms in order to prevent gaps and avoidance of legal liability for corruption, ensuring transparency of all management processes as well as transparent use and disposal of budget funds, adherence to the principles of openness and accessibility of information on the activities of public authorities and local self-government and ensuring effective interaction between public authorities and civil society organizations, a fair justice system, independent media and an active civil society.


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jens Martens

“Post-2015” is the “flavor of the day”; it is currently right in the center of the development discourse. The United Nations, governments, civil society organizations, researchers, and even business people are currently discussing what will come aft er the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). As you all know, the reference period for the MDGs will expire in 2015, and this is the reason why the world community is now engaged in the task of formulating an agenda for the following period. But this Post-2015 Agenda can and must be much more than just an updated list of MDGs.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (7) ◽  
pp. 1344-1384
Author(s):  
Łukasz Bojarski

AbstractDuring the rule of law backsliding crisis in Poland since late 2015, Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) have been active in the struggles to defend judicial independence. CSOs cooperate closely with judges and support their ‘judicial resistance’. This Article has three main objectives: describe and analyze the relationship between judges and CSOs; show the evolution — both continuity and discontinuity in their relations over time; assess whether CSOs’ activities are of any practical significance and therefore worth attention. The CSO-judicial relationship is analyzed for three periods: 1976–1989, the years before the transformation of Poland from a ‘people’s republic’ to a democracy; 1989–2015, the time of building liberal democracy and the rule of law; 2015–2020, the time of defending the rule of law from a populist attack.Drawing on sources including years of participant observation providing unique and insider knowledge, the author analyzes the activities and outputs of CSOs and judges focusing on their interactions and cooperation. The author argues that CSOs play a significant role in the struggle for the rule of law and judicial independence. This Article demonstrates that CSOs’ current engagement and input is not an extraordinary, ad hoc phenomenon, but rather one that arose from the previous interactions between the judiciary and civil society. The author argues that what we witness in Poland is an unprecedented phenomenon, both in the character of the relationship between judges and CSOs, and the scale and diversity of their cooperation. At the same time, the author claims that CSOs are underappreciated, including by academia, their work is taken for granted, and their role in the legal complex can be seen as a partly lost opportunity. If noticed, appreciated, and supported CSOs activities and their role could be more meaningful.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Henrike Knappe ◽  
Oscar Schmidt

The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) process aimed to be more inclusive, transparent, and participatory than prior United Nations processes. This article traces the practices of representation that were performed by civil society actors during the SDG process. In doing so, we advance a performative approach in which the very process of making representation is examined. Its aim is to conceptualize and study representation as an aesthetic and political practice. This leads to the two central research questions of this article: How do civil society organizations in global environmental politics make representative claims by picturing their envisioned future? How are future representations (that is, the representation of futures or future beings) related to actor positions during the SDG process? Special emphasis is given to representations of “the future” as an ever-present frame of reference in environmental politics. Based on a systematic content analysis of the statements of two Major Groups—Children, and Youth and Farmers—we discuss the variety of future representations between the Major Groups and how especially more radical future representations are connected to rather precarious actor positions in representative claims.


2005 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-364 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susanne Soederberg

The UN Financing for Development conference (FfD) was held in Monterrey, Mexico, in March 2002 to gain international financial and political support for the Millennium Development Goals. Various multilevel consultations were held with “equal stakeholders” ranging from the IMF and WTO to civil society organizations in order to forge a consensus-based framework for substantially reducing world poverty. However, despite the FfD's seemingly novel attempts at inclusionary and multilateral forms of negotiation, this article suggests that the Monterrey consensus is, in the first instance, concerned with reproducing and thus legitimating the growing power of transnational capital. The consensus is not so much about reducing poverty as it is about managing the ever-increasing polarization of capitalist social relations in the South.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 192-199
Author(s):  
Meila Riskia Fitri ◽  
Putri Rima Jauhari

In the history of social movements in Indonesia, civil society organisation (CSO) has taken an important role. Even since the colonial period in order to seize independence, up to this day in terms of filling the development. The global development agenda or Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) require the role of various stakeholders, including civil society organizations and companies. The purpose of this research is to find out the form of collaboration between civil society and companies in the implementation of SDGs in Indonesia. The method used is library research. The results of this study show that Civil society Indonesia collaborates to ask the government as the person in charge of the State to implement transparent and accountable SDGs. The initiative is carried out by civil society in encouraging the role of various parties, including companies to actively participate in the implementation of SDGs in Indonesia. Among the initiatives carried out are encouraging multiparty cooperation, launching "Fiqh Zakat for SDGs", and building a multiparty platform. From the existing practices, it can be seen that there is a shifting pattern of the role of civil society, where previously faced with the State and the company, but today it is more towards collaborative work with two components in a Country.


Sociologija ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 57 (4) ◽  
pp. 637-661 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danilo Vukovic

It is often assumed that vibrant civil society is precondition for democracy, government accountability and rule of law. Following this assumption, international development agencies, civil society organizations and even governments are participating in activities aiming for the social accountability, that is, accountability of governments towards societies. In this article I am analyzing activities of prominent Serbian non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the field of fostering government accountability. The analysis focuses on their ability to shift the balance of social and political power away from the state. The analysis is primarily based on empirical data collected through a series of in-depth interviews with representatives of NGOs. It reveals that NGOs follow policy-not-politics, that is, a depoliticized approach, that they target individual citizens and not social groups and nurture relationships with state institutions and public officials with whom they cooperate. They demonstrate a weak ability to (1) initiate wider civic mobilization or (2) establish solid institutional preconditions for government accountability. Thus, available data suggests that Serbian NGOs have weak potential to contest power of the state and thus contribute to strengthening government accountability and rule of law.


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