Christian Dominionism and Violence

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Aho
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Easy Access ◽  
Acting Out ◽  
Marginalized Populations ◽  
Cultural Milieu ◽  
Normative Expectations ◽  
Do So

There are several forms of Christian Dominionism. However, all of them advocate “taking America back for God,” which is to say, from “non-Christians” (however understood), undocumented aliens, “sexual deviants,” “femi-Nazis,” liberal progressives, and the like. To be sure, most individual Dominionists and most Dominionist congregations are not violent. Nevertheless, some are. This is not because these few are ignorant, isolated, or insane, but rather because they reside in a particular kind of social/cultural milieu, one that normatively encourages them to harm others (in the name of their god) and offers them opportunities to do so, and where they are not subject to external restraints that might otherwise deter them from acting out their supremacist proclivities. One implication of this is that in order to avert Dominionist-motivated violence, policymakers must do more than merely criticize Dominionist theology—as important as this may be. Additionally, they must deal with local normative expectations that embolden potential terrorists and provide them easy access to high-powered weaponry. They must also protect vulnerable, marginalized populations from being targeted and step up law-enforcement vigilance and preparedness.

scholarly journals UAV Forensics: DJI Mini 2 Case Study

Drones ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 49
Author(s):  
Miloš Stanković ◽  
Mohammad Meraj Mirza ◽  
Umit Karabiyik
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Federal Aviation Administration ◽  
Easy Access ◽  
Law Enforcement Agencies ◽  
The Past ◽  
Personally Identifiable Information ◽  
Multiple Devices ◽  
Forensic Tools ◽  
Recreational Use

Rapid technology advancements, especially in the past decade, have allowed off-the-shelf unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) that weigh less than 250 g to become available for recreational use by the general population. Many well-known manufacturers (e.g., DJI) are now focusing on this segment of UAVs, and the new DJI Mini 2 drone is one of many that falls under this category, which enables easy access to be purchased and used without any Part 107 certification and Remote ID registration. The versatility of drones and drone models is appealing for customers, but they pose many challenges to forensic tools and digital forensics investigators due to numerous hardware and software variations. In addition, different devices can be associated and used for controlling these drones (e.g., Android and iOS smartphones). Moreover, according to the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA), the adoption of Remote ID is not going to be required for people without the 107 certifications for this segment at least until 2023, which creates finding personally identifiable information a necessity in these types of investigations. In this research, we conducted a comprehensive investigation of DJI Mini 2 and its data stored across multiple devices (e.g., SD cards and mobile devices) that are associated with the drone. The aim of this paper is to (1) create several criminal-like scenarios, (2) acquire and analyze the created scenarios using leading forensics software (e.g., Cellebrite and Magnet Axiom) that are commonly used by law enforcement agencies, (3) and present findings associated with potential criminal activities.

scholarly journals Mekanisme Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi dalam Proses Penyadapan dilihat dari Perspektif Hak Asasi Manusia (HAM)

JURNAL BELO ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 74-85
Author(s):  
Jennifer Ingelyne Nussy
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Human Dignity ◽  
Privacy Rights ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Government ◽  
Investigation Process ◽  
Do So

ABSTRACT Recognition and protection of a guarantee of human dignity to earn a respectable place in the eyes of the law and government. Related to the interests of law enforcement, the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) for the purpose of wiretapping evidence in court, while will protecting the privacyrights of suspects. Legal protections for the accused to be seen as matter of law adopted. Therefore, the protection of the privacy rights of a person to be seen in the investigation process. For the Commission to conduct wiretaps should see privacy rights as stipulated in the law and the government should establish a special set of rules that intercepts, thus providing the possibility for law enforcement has the authority to do so does not conflict with human rights.

scholarly journals Mind the Gap: A Systematic Approach to the International Criminal Court’s Arrest Warrants Enforcement Problem

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nadia Banteka
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Systematic Approach ◽  
External Pressure ◽  
Development Aid ◽  
Political Role ◽  
The Us ◽  
Improve Compliance ◽  
Positive Inducements ◽  
Do So

ICCTs have been established on a belying enforcement paradox between their significant mandate and their inherent lack of enforcement powers due to absence of systemic law enforcement. This article is premised on the idea that ICCTs fail to procure substantial results due to their delusive persistence in rejecting the factoring of politics in their operation. Thus, I suggest a perspective for arrest warrant enforcement that not only recognizes the relevance of politics but also capitalizes on it. Accordingly, I argue that by fully comprehending its enforcement tools and making use of its political role, the ICC may increase its rates in the apprehension of suspects, and therefore secure higher levels of judicial enforcement. Based on different compliance theories, I argue that the Office of The Prosecutor of the ICC (OTP) can improve compliance with ICC arrest warrants by making use of third states and non-state actors. In Part I, I address the way states and international actors may assist the OTP towards unwilling to arrest states through inducements, reputational sanctions, and support for enforcement agencies. I propose that external pressure in the form of positive inducements (membership, development aid) or negative inducements (travel bans, asset freezes) as well as condemnation and reputational damage towards non-compliant states, are likely to increase compliance with arrest warrants. In Part II, I examine a strategy for the OTP towards states that are willing to arrest but are unable to do so. In these cases, the OTP would benefit from improving its institutional capacity to identify and use overlapping interests with activist states in the field of human rights and international justice through the establishment of a diplomatic arm within its Jurisdiction, Complementarity and Cooperation Division (JCCD). I unpack the question of what this engagement may look like by examining such a potential relationship between the US and the ICC. Finally, in Part III, I focus on the instances, where civil society has the ability to influence third states or situation states to assist in the execution of arrest warrants. I argue that the OTP ought to include more actively different actors within the global civil society, such as NGOs, transnational networks, and individuals, during its bargaining efforts.

Responses by the United States to Attacks on the Rohingya in Burma

2018 ◽  
Vol 112 (2) ◽  
pp. 322-326
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
The United States ◽  
Minority Populations ◽  
Ethnic Cleansing ◽  
Marginalized Populations ◽  
Security Forces ◽  
Military Security ◽  
Women And Children ◽  
Do So

On November 22, 2017, Secretary of State Rex Tillerson released a statement addressing attacks on the Rohingya population in Burma: [T]he key test of any democracy is how it treats its most vulnerable and marginalized populations, such as the ethnic Rohingya and other minority populations. Burma's government and security forces must respect the human rights of all persons within its borders, and hold accountable those who fail to do so.… .These abuses by some among the Burmese military, security forces, and local vigilantes have caused tremendous suffering and forced hundreds of thousands of men, women, and children to flee their homes in Burma to seek refuge in Bangladesh. After a careful and thorough analysis of available facts, it is clear that the situation in northern Rakhine state constitutes ethnic cleansing against the Rohingya.

scholarly journals The Migrant Metaphor Within Radical Italian Thought

2013 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-146
Author(s):  
Ingrid M. Hoofd
Keyword(s):  
Social Change ◽  
New World ◽  
World Order ◽  
Acting Out ◽  
New World Order ◽  
The West ◽  
The Enlightenment ◽  
Eu Policies ◽  
The Eu ◽  
Do So

NoBorder activisms and Italian philosophies are highly complicit in the ongoing fortification of the EU and the West, and of the West’s subsequent global hegemonic spread through Eurocentric discourses and technologies. I will show that many radical Italian writings, through a metaphorisation of the ‘migrant’ or ‘refugee’, supplement the alter-globalisation movement in effectively reproducing the Eurocentric fantasy of the Enlightenment subject as the ultimate centre for social change, just as much as those despised EU policies do. I will do so by pointing out that this migrant metaphor functions primarily as a tool to make possible the claim for some sort of hegemonic ‘unification of struggles’ in ‘the new world order’ by these radical Italian thinkers. They will be shown to do so through a doubly romanticising move, leading to both the reproduction of the migrant or refugee as a heroic figure and the acting out of an unfinishable desire for communal self-identification with the migrant, through claims that s/he embodies the transcendental fantasy of the total subsumption of boundaries.

The Irish Protestants and James II, 1688–90

1992 ◽  
Vol 28 (110) ◽  
pp. 124-133 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raymond Gillespie
Keyword(s):  
Traumatic Events ◽  
The Other ◽  
Acting Out ◽  
Two Cultures ◽  
Political Advantage ◽  
William Iii ◽  
Two Sides ◽  
The Town ◽  
Similar Equation ◽  
Do So

Modern historical writing on the events of 1688 to 1691 in Ireland has been characterised by a sense that the two sides in that conflict were acting out predetermined roles. There is in the writing no doubt that Protestants would rally to the cause of William III and that Catholics would be the loyal supporters of the deposed James II. Roy Foster has characterised the ‘war of the two kings’ as a clash of two cultures: ‘one Catholic, French-connected, romantically Jacobite … and temperamentally Gaelic’, and the other that of the Protestant ‘Ascendancy’ created by ‘the traumatic events of James’s short reign and its aftermath’. For J. G. Simms political advantage was the key to the events of 1688–90: Catholics naturally supported James since to do so offered ‘an unusually favourable prospect of establishing their predominance’; and in the Protestant mind, since ‘William was lawful king of England, he was automatically king of Ireland … [and] would not abandon the English stake in Ireland’. Put more starkly by J. C. Beckett, ‘the struggle which reached its climax at the Boyne and ended at Limerick ran a clear course from the accession of James II’. Modern historians were not the only ones to make the assumption that Irish Protestants would support William and Catholics James. Many contemporaries outside Ireland made a similar equation. The English Jacobite John Stevens seems to have believed there was a definite link between religion and political loyalty when he arrived in Ireland in 1689 to serve James. On his arrival at Naas he was allocated a billet by the sovereign of the town, but the innkeeper refused to admit him. ‘The man being an Irishman and a Catholic’, Stevens noted, ‘made his ill carriage towards us appear more strange but his religion and country he thought would bear him out’. Arriving at Dublin he approached his prominent Jacobite friends, but ‘friendship was grown so rare in Ireland as loyalty in England’. He was relieved from apparent destitution by ‘the hands I least expected it from’, a New English Protestant who lent him £10.

scholarly journals Residual Deterrence

2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (5) ◽  
pp. 1654-1686 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francesc Dilmé ◽  
Daniel F Garrett
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Optimal Design ◽  
Do So

Abstract Successes of law enforcement in apprehending offenders are often publicized events. Such events have been found to result in temporary reductions in offending, or “residual deterrence”. We provide a theory of residual deterrence that accounts for the incentives of both enforcement officials and potential offenders. We do so by introducing to a standard inspection framework costs that must be incurred to commence enforcement. Such costs in practice include hiring specialized staff, undertaking targeted research and coordinating personnel. We illustrate how our model can be used to address a number of policy questions regarding the optimal design of enforcement authorities.

“Won't You Please Help Me Get My Son Home”: Peonage, Patronage, and Protest in the World War II Urban South

1999 ◽  
Vol 24 (04) ◽  
pp. 777-806 ◽  
Author(s):  
Risa L. Goluboff
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Federal Government ◽  
World War ◽  
Legal Process ◽  
Law Enforcement Agencies ◽  
Urban South ◽  
Job Opportunities ◽  
Rights Consciousness ◽  
Do So

During World War II, young African Americans from southern cities left their homes for what appeared to be patriotic job opportunities harvesting sugar cane in Florida. When returning workers described peonage and slavery instead, parents worried about their children's safety. After attempting to contact their children directly, the parents appealed to the federal government. Their decision to mobilize the federal government and the strategies they used to do so reveal important aspects of wartime African American protest that historians have previously overlooked. This article focuses on families instead of atomized individuals, revealing the importance of families, neighborhoods, and communities to the emergence of rights consciousness. It also complicates the historiographical dichotomy between rights consciousness and patronage relationships. Patrons served as liaisons with law enforcement agencies and provided links to a law-centered rights consciousness. For many historians, until protest exits the realm of patronage ties, it is not really protest, and once interactions with government themselves become bureaucratized they cease to be protest any longer. The efforts of the peons' families challenge both ends of this narrow category of protest; they both used patronage relations to lodge their protests and also forged rights consciousness within the legal process itself.

Terrorism Prosecutions, Material Support, and Islamophobia

2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 243-247
Author(s):  
Wadie E. Said
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Religious Affiliation ◽  
Population Based ◽  
Large Majority ◽  
Marginalized Populations ◽  
Terrorist Organizations ◽  
Material Support ◽  
Terrorist Activity ◽  
The Government ◽  
Foregone Conclusion

Abstract With Islamophobia rife and the government list of foreign terrorist organizations (FTOs) telling us who is a threat, marginalized populations are being targeted and can expect a hostile and negative prosecutorial outcome. The large majority of terrorism prosecutions center on material support charges, which by their very structure concentrate on FTOs that are largely Islamist in ideology. Attaching a terrorist taint to a population based on its religious affiliation generates a kind of self-perpetuating law enforcement bias and prosecutorial outcome. Such police state tactics and assumptions only assure the adverse results of insisting that an exceptional status applies to those accused of terrorist activity or support for it. That, in the government's eyes, those individuals stem from one of the major monotheistic faiths in large part, seems to be a foregone conclusion that continues to affect the law's development in largely negative ways.

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