The Sabinada Rebellion

Author(s):  
Monica Duarte Dantas ◽  
Roberto Saba

The Sabinada took place between November 1837 and March 1838 in the city of Salvador, province of Bahia, Empire of Brazil. It was a separatist rebellion organized by men of federalist and republican ideals who opposed the conservative turn of the Regency government, which ruled Brazil from the abdication of Dom Pedro I until 1840, when Dom Pedro II—three and a half years before the legal age of 18—was crowned Emperor. The Sabinada, however, was more than a separatist movement organized by a rogue political group. It brought together a myriad of social tensions that had been brewing in Salvador since colonial times. Members of the military, who had seen their standing in Brazilian society rapidly deteriorate since the war of independence, found in the Sabinada an opportunity to reclaim a leading position. Middling sectors of Salvador’s society joined in, with hopes that the movement would give them some voice in a political system otherwise dominated by wealthy planters and merchants. The free poor nurtured similar political hopes and, more importantly, rebelled against a highly unequal economic system that left them in dire straits, facing the constant threat of homelessness and starvation. The slaves did not hesitate to jump into the fray, running away from their masters to join the rebel forces and forcing its leaders to break their initial promise that slavery would not be jeopardized. People of color—slave and free—embraced the Sabinada to exterminate some blatant racial inequality existing in 19th-century Bahia. Brazilians of all colors and social ranks took advantage of the situation to carry out vengeance against foreign nationals, especially the Portuguese, who controlled retail commerce in Salvador. Rebel leaders had to deal with all these different demands at once, and they did so with much improvisation and unexpected turns. Simultaneously, they had to fend off a brutal repression from loyalist authorities and combatants. When the Sabinada exploded, the powerful and rich fled Salvador to Bahia’s sugar-producing region, known as the Recôncavo. There, they received reinforcements from the National Guard and Army battalions from other provinces. Salvador was under siege for most of the rebellion. The rebels had a hard time acquiring the necessary means to wage war and nearly starved to death. When the loyalists finally attacked, they made sure to shed as much rebel blood as possible to make an example. The loyalists killed indiscriminately, burned buildings, suspended civil rights, executed prisoners, and deported rebels. Through this bloodbath, they succeeded in reestablishing the unequal political and social order that had existed in Salvador before.

Sociology ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 52 (5) ◽  
pp. 898-914 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristian Frisk

The article challenges the thesis that western societies have moved towards a post-heroic mood in which military casualties are interpreted as nothing but a waste of life. Using content analysis and qualitative textual analysis of obituaries produced by the Royal Danish Army in memory of soldiers killed during the Second World War (1940–1945) and the military campaign in Afghanistan (2002–2014), the article shows that a ‘good’ military death is no longer conceived of as a patriotic sacrifice, but is instead legitimised by an appeal to the unique moral worth, humanitarian goals and high professionalism of the fallen. The article concludes that fatalities in international military engagement have invoked a sense of post-patriotic heroism instead of a post-heroic crisis, and argues that the social order of modern society has underpinned, rather than undermined, ideals of military self-sacrifice and heroism, contrary to the predominant assumption of the literature on post-heroic warfare.


2021 ◽  
pp. 175069802199593
Author(s):  
Francesca Polletta ◽  
Alex Maresca

The article traces how American conservatives laid claim to the memory of Martin Luther King, Jr. We focus on a key moment in that process, when Republicans in the early 1980s battled other Republicans to establish King’s birthday as a federal holiday and thereby distinguish a conservative position on racial inequality from that associated with southern opposition to civil rights. The victory was consequential, aiding the New Right’s efforts to roll back gains on affirmative action and other race-conscious policies. We use the case to explore the conditions in which political actors are able to lay claim to venerated historical figures who actually had very different beliefs and commitments. The prior popularization of the figure makes it politically advantageous to identify with his or her legacy but also makes it possible to do so credibly. As they are popularized, the figure’s beliefs are made general, abstract, and often vague in a way that lends them to appropriation by those on the other side of partisan lines. Such appropriation is further aided by access to a communicative infrastructure of foundations, think tanks, and media outlets that allows political actors to secure an audience for their reinterpretation of the past.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 499-528 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodney E. Hero ◽  
Morris Levy

AbstractWe analyze the prevalence and framing of references to equality and inequality in presidential state of the union addresses (SOTUs) delivered between 1960 and 2018. Despite rising income inequality and increased attention among political elites to structural inequalities of race and gender in recent years, we find very few direct or indirect references to inequality as a social problem and surprisingly few references even to the ostensibly consensual and primary values of equal opportunity and political equality. References to racial inequality have been few and far between since the height of the civil rights era. By contrast, another primary value in the American political tradition—economic individualism are a major focus in these SOTUs. We trace the scant presence of equality talk in these speeches to the ambiguous scope of egalitarian goals and principles and their close tie-in with race in America. We rely on automated text analysis and systematic hand-coding of these speeches to identify broad thematic emphases as well as on close reading to interpret the patterns that these techniques reveal.


Author(s):  
Robert F. Jefferson

The history of the African American military experience in World War II tends to revolve around two central questions: How did World War II and American racism shape the black experience in the American military? And how did black GIs reshape the parameters of their wartime experiences? From the mid-1920s through the Great Depression years of the 1930s, military planners evaluated the performance of black soldiers in World War I while trying to ascertain their presence in future wars. However, quite often their discussions about African American servicemen in the military establishment were deeply moored in the traditions, customs, and practices of American racism, racist stereotypes, and innuendo. Simultaneously, African American leaders and their allies waged a relentless battle to secure the future presence of the uniformed men and women who would serve in the nation’s military. Through their exercise of voting rights, threats of protest demonstration, litigation, and White House lobbying from 1939 through 1942, civil rights advocates and their affiliates managed to obtain some minor concessions from the military establishment. But the military’s stubborn adherence to a policy barring black and white soldiers from serving in the same units continued through the rest of the war. Between 1943 and 1945, black GIs faced white officer hostility, civilian antagonism, and military police brutality while undergoing military training throughout the country. Similarly, African American servicewomen faced systemic racism and sexism in the military during the period. Throughout various stages of the American war effort, black civil rights groups, the press, and their allies mounted the opening salvoes in the battle to protect and defend the wellbeing of black soldiers in uniform. While serving on the battlefields of World War II, fighting African American GIs became foot soldiers in the wider struggles against tyranny abroad. After returning home in 1945, black World War II-era activists such as Daisy Lampkin and Ruby Hurley, and ex-servicemen and women, laid the groundwork for the Civil Rights Movement.


Author(s):  
Roy L. Brooks

This chapter introduces three main themes presented in the book. First, racism is not coterminous with racial inequality. The term “racial subordination” is used in a new and more useful way to refer to a non-nefarious external source of racial inequality. This discussion revolves around an illustration that clearly demonstrates the difference between racism and racial subordination. Second, though motivated by a non-nefarious reason, racial subordination is not racial innocence. Allowing racial subordination to persist effectively creates a racial glass ceiling. For that reason, it is bad social policy. Third, even well-to-do blacks are vulnerable to racial subordination. This means that the race problem is not simply a socioeconomic problem requiring a socioeconomic solution. The race problem in post-civil rights America is, in fact, not one but three interrelated problems (a three-headed hydra)—socioeconomic, socio-legal, and socio-cultural with the latter two manifested mainly as racial subordination. This book focuses on the subordination side of the race problem.


Worldview ◽  
1968 ◽  
Vol 11 (6) ◽  
pp. 6-12
Author(s):  
Paul W. Blackstock

The Liberal's Dilemma and the Anarchism of Youth. The sensitive individual in the Western world has nearly always been impelled to protest the injustices of. the political and social order in which he finds himself. For example, very early in life Stephen Spender observed that "to be born is to be a Robinson Crusoe, cast up by elemental powers upon an island," that "all men are not free to share what nature offers here … are not permitted to explore the world into which they are born." Throughout their lives they are "sealed into leaden slums as into living tombs." To this general awareness of the plight of the poor, the New Left in this country has added a sense of burning moral indignation that the colored minority has also been sealed into ghettos and deprived of civil rights and human dignity.


2021 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 172-190
Author(s):  
Irina A. Fedoseeva ◽  
◽  
Lyudmila N. Berezhnova ◽  
Roman A. Guscha ◽  
◽  
...  

Introduction. The study is relevant due to the fact that in the context of the use of special forces of the Russian Guard to counter the increased threat to Russia's national security from terrorist organizations, the problem arose of finding means to form a "new look" of a special forces officer. The question is raised about an integrative approach in the development of professional qualities of future officers of the special forces of the National Guard troops. Materials and methods. The experimental study involved 160 cadets of the Special Forces Faculty of the Novosibirsk Military Institute of the National Guard of the Russian Federation named after I. K. Yakovlev. The following methods were used: according to moral qualities (motivation for success, Ehlers methodology, value-semantic organization of a personality, methodology for studying the volitional organization of a personality (scale of value-semantic organization of a personality), according to psychological qualities (volitional self-regulation, the methodology by Zverkov and Ehidman, neuropsychic stability, Rybnikov's methodology "Forecast 2", readiness to take risks, Schubert's method), according to physical qualities (mastering professionally applied operations; the control method and testing were used to assess the level of development). The statistical analysis was performed using Student's t-test and Pearson's χ2 test. Results. By the fifth year of studying, as a result of implementing the program "Prospects for the optimal development of professional qualities among cadets of the Special Forces Faculty of the Military Institute of the National Guard Troops", most cadets show a significant increase in terms of the development of moral, mental, and physical qualities. In particular, statistically significant changes were revealed in: the level of neuropsychic stability (χ2 = 10.225; p < 0.01); the level of risk readiness (χ2 = 13.298; p < 0.01); the level of motivation for success (χ2 = 17.045; p < 0.001); development of the value-semantic organization of the personality (χ2 = 18.240; p < 0.001). Conclusion. The main direction of further research is to optimize the professional training of special forces officers, which will improve the level of professional training of a graduate of the Special Forces Faculty of the Military Institute of the National Guard Troops.


Author(s):  
Makhmudov R.M ◽  
Karimova B.N

This article discusses the problems of legal education and strengthening the discipline of the military of the National Guard of the Republic of Uzbekistan as citizens of the rule of law. The role of law and its influence on the legal consciousness of military personnel is revealed. Features and specificity of the service of the military personnel of the National Guard of the Republic of Uzbekistan. The authors in the article will try to uncover the relationship of legal education and strengthening the discipline of military personnel. The role of the right to strengthen the charter knowledge of military personnel is revealed in detail. KEY WORDS: members of the National Guard, military regulations, legal standards, legal education, military law, legal support, specific features, the formation of a legal culture, strengthening discipline.


2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (5) ◽  
pp. 330-342
Author(s):  
Mergaljas M. Kashapov ◽  
◽  
Yuliya M. Perevozkina ◽  
Roman A. Bidenko ◽  
Ivan O. Smolentsev ◽  
...  

Problem and purpose. The relevance of the study is due to the specifics of military education, which is characterized by increased requirements for the training of future officers. A special place among these requirements is occupied by professional thinking, the formation of which presupposes both intellectual and certain personal characteristics. The purpose is to determine the prognostic capabilities of personal characteristics for the differentiation of types of professional thinking of cadets of a military educational institution of the National Guard of the Russian Federation. Research methodology and methods. According to the diagnostic results, all cadets (N = 150) were divided into three groups according to the prevalence of a certain level of professional thinking in them; 1) oversituational type of thinking, 2) situational type of thinking, and 3) mixed type of thinking. This variable acted as a response in discriminative analysis, and personality traits of cadets, measured by the 16 PF method, and a number of other questionnaires were chosen as predictors. Research results. The results of direct discriminative analysis indicate a high statistical significance of the empirical model (p = 0.000), having good discrimination (λ = 0.04), consisting of two discriminative functions and 16 predictors. All respondents were absolutely correctly assigned to their «own» groups (100%). At the same time, the highest probability of getting into «their» group is for servicemen with a oversituational type level of professional thinking (82%). Discussion of results and conclusion. The predictive influence of personal qualities on the dominance of cadets of a certain type of professional thinking does not have a separate effect of each quality, but has the character of structural interaction. This research contributes to the psychology of work, contributing to the expansion of scientific knowledge about the professional activities of the military.


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